Editor for this issue: Anthony M. Aristar <aristar
tam2000.tamu.edu>
On Tue, 21 Nov 1995, I asked the following question of the list (LINGUIST List: Vol-6-1644): >Subject: Q: Broca's aphasia and ASL >A student in my introduction to linguistics course asked a question >today that I could not answer, but would like to be able to. >She wanted to know how Broca's aphasia affects the language of signing >adults. I assume that this aphasia does affect the syntax of ASL, >however I was not sure whether it affects articulation. I.e., does >Broca's area have the same control over manual articulation of ASL >as it does over oral articulation of spoken language, and does damage >to this area result in analogous articulatory difficulty for a >signing patient (e.g. difficulty in producing complex ASL gestures, >where there is no corresponding deficit in voluntary control of >the same muscles). I received a great number of helpful responses to the question, along with references and suggestions about people to contact. This summary includes information received from the following LINGUIST subcribers: Sergey Avrutin <avrutinMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issueminerva.cis.yale.edu> William Badecker <bill
mail.cog.jhu.edu> Kirrie Ballard <kballard
merle.acns.nwu.edu> Paul Bessler <pbessler
epas.utoronto.ca> Chris Brockett <chrisbro
halcyon.com> Beth Elder <EAELDER
UNIVSCVM> Karen Emmorey <emmorey
SC2.SALK.EDU> Susan Fischer <SDFNCR
ritvax.isc.rit.edu> Vicki Fromkin <IYO1VAF
MVS.OAC.UCLA.EDU> Colin Phillips <cphill
MIT.EDU> Caroline Steele <csteele
hawaii.edu> Sylvie Thibault <thibalt
cc.UManitoba.CA> Timothy J. Vance <tjvan
conncoll.edu> Mieke Van Herreweghe <Mieke.VanHerreweghe
rug.ac.be> Erling Wande <Erling.Wande
tele.su.se> I have divided this summary into: (i) suggested answers, (ii) people and places to contact, (iii) two relevant abstracts (provided by Karen Emmorey), and (iv) references. In the first section, (i) answers, I have attributed the responses to their authors. ******************************************* (I) ANSWERS TO THE QUESTION: ******************************************* ================================================ Caroline Steele <csteele
hawaii.edu> It seems people with Broca's area aphasia are not able to substitute signing for speaking. That is to say, they don't learn to sign after having the CVA. There could be reasons for this, however, that are different from their reasons for not being able to articulate. ======================================================== Beth Elder <EAELDER
UNIVSCVM.CSD.SCAROLINA.EDU> Oliver Sacks' book Seeing Voices (which is a fasinating though somewhat technical book on the aquisition of language by the deaf) writes: "... sign aphasias can affect either the lexicon or the grammar (including the spatially organized syntax) of Sign differentially, as well as impairing the general power to "propositionize" which Hughlings-Jackson saw as central to language. But aphasic signers are not impaired in other, nonlinguistic visual-spatial abilities....Signers with right hemisphere strokes, in contrast, may have severe spatial disorganization, an inability to appreciate perspective, and sometimes neglect of the left side of space- but are not aphasic and retain perfect signing ability despite their severe visual-spatial deficits. Thus signers show the same cerebral laterlization as speakers, even though their language is entirely visuo-spatial in nature." ======================================================== Colin Phillips <cphill
MIT.EDU> Poizner, Klima & Bellugi (1988, "What the Hands Reveal about the Brain", MIT Press) looked at precisely those kinds of questions, with some quite fascinating results. Basically, there appear to be dissociations between lingui s and non-linguistic motor production. ======================================================= Erling Wande <Erling.Wande
tele.su.se> As far as I know the effects are about the same for signers as for users of spoken language. ======================================================= Vicki Fromkin <IYO1VAF
MVS.OAC.UCLA.EDU> According to the research conducted at the Salk by Ursula Bellugi and her colleagues, deaf signers following brain lesions to Broca's area and classified as Broca's aphasics parallel hearing aphasic in that only the signing is effected -- in relation to the syntax and 'telegraphic speech' with difficulties in sign morphology etc. Their ability to mime appears to be unaffected. Broca's hearing aphasics do not have articulation difficulties necessarily (athough some studies show intonation problems -- others show that this is only when the intonation has grammatical consequences as in noun phrases vs noun compounds) -- and neither do deaf Broca's patients in relation to non-linguistic motor control. ======================================================== Paul Bessler <pbessler
epas.utoronto.ca> With respect to your question about Broca's aphasia and ASL, your hypothesis was right on the money. It was originally believed that Broca's aphasia simply affected the organs of speech production. About 15 years ago, however, a case study of a deaf Broca's aphasic (sorry, I don't have a reference) showed that, although muscular control was normal in the performance of other tasks, she had difficulty producing ASL signs. Her production difficulties corresponded closely to those which characterize the speech of non-hearing impaired Broca's aphasics. ======================================================= Karen Emmorey emmorey
SC2.SALK.EDU Aphasia can affect sign articulation . ======================================================= Susan Fischer <SDFNCR
ritvax.isc.rit.edu> You do seem to get classic dissociations between, e.g., the use of space for grammatical pruposes and the ability to negoatiate in space ======================================================== ********************************* (II) SOURCES of information: ********************************* ======================================================== Dr. Judith Kegl at Rutgers Unviersity has studied these patients, together with Dr. Ann Senghas (annie
psyche.mit.edu). =========================================================== Sherman and Phyllis Wilcox, at the University of New Mexico, have done research in the area. ======================================================== Ursula Bellugi and Edward Klima are at The Salk Institute in La Jolla California. ======================================================== SLLING-L is a list specializing in signed languages. If you subscribe to SLLING-L, you can post questions to SLLING-L
YALEVM.CIS.YALE.EDU. If not, you can subscribe by sending the following request: SUB SLLING-L <your name> to: listserv
yalevm.cis.yale.edu =================================================== ****************************************************** (III) TWO IMPORTANT ABSTRACTS (from Karen Emmorey): ****************************************************** ===================================================== ABSTRACT 1: Hickok, G, Kritchevsky, M., Bellugi, U., & Klima, E. (1995). The role of the left frontal operculum in sign language aphasia: Clues to the function of Broca's area. Poster presented at the Academy of Aphasia, San Diego, November. Since Broca's time, the left frontal operculum, in particular Brodmann's areas 44 and 45, has figured prominently in attempts to determine the anatomy of speech production (Mohr, 1976) . While recent studies have shown convincingly that lesions restricted to the frontal operculum do not lead to a lasting, severe speech production deficit, (Alexander, Naeser & Palumbo, 1990; Mohr et al., 1978; Tonkonogy & Goodglass, 1981) evidence from the acute postictal syndrome as well as evidence from cortical stimulation (Ojemann, 1983; Penfield & Roberts, 1959) and functional neuroimaging (Hinke et al., 1993; Petersen, Fox, Posner, Mintun & Raichle, 1988; Rueckert et al., 1994) suggests at least some role for Broca's area in speech production. In this report, we describe our findings in the case of a patient, RS, congenitally deaf and a native user of American Sign Language (ASL), who suffered an ischemic infarct involving the frontal operculum and inferior portion of the primary motor cortex. To be sure, part of the long-standing enthusiasm for the hypothesis that the frontal operculum is crucially involved in speech production derives from the intuitive appeal of its anatomical position anterior to the motor cortex controlling the musculature involved in speech. Thus, a major question in the present study is, what is the role of this region in the production of a language produced with the hands, rather than with orofacial articulators? To the extent that the speech production system is plastic and self-organizing, one might expect the functional analog of Broca's area to be shifted superiorly so that it is anterior to sensory-motor representation for hand/arm in the case of a deaf signer. Conversely, similarities in the functional neuroanatomy of speech and sign production would suggest that there are constraints on the extent to which neural organization for language production is a self-organizing system. Language assessment was carried out using a sign-adapted version of the Boston Diagnostic Aphasia Examination (Goodglass & Kaplan, 1976) , a sign-adapted version of the Token Test (DeRenzi & Vignolo, 1962) , and an analysis of conversational and narrative sign production. Lesion analysis was carried out using 3-dimensional surface reconstructions from a T1-weighted volume acquisition MRI dataset (slice thickness 1.5mm), and by reconstructing, from the same dataset, para-axial slices for comparison with analysis techniques based on CT images (Alexander et al., 1990) . All brain imaging analyses were accomplished using Brainvox software (Damasio & Frank, 1992) . Our findings with the present deaf, signing patient, RS, reveal both similarities and differences in the aphasia syndrome following a frontal operculum lesion, compared with that found in hearing/speaking patients. In short, the set of symptoms we observed in the present case of sign language aphasia is a superset of that noted in spoken language (Alexander et al., 1990; Tonkonogy & Goodglass, 1981): Consistent with the effects of similar lesions in hearing patients, RS presented with an acute mutism that quickly resolved. But whereas hearing patients are typically left with only a very mild aphasia, or no aphasia at all, RS's chronic deficit included a fluent aphasia characterized by frequent phonemic paraphasias. Consideration of the nature of her phonemic paraphasias together with comparative lesion analyses suggests that the difference is not simply a matter of a larger lesion producing a more severe deficit. Rather, these data suggest that the left frontal operculum subserves a similar function in both signed and spoken language, and that differences in the resulting chronic syndrome following damage to this region can be explained in terms of differences in the nature of the language articulators. We further suggest that the differences in syndromes between signed and spoken language reveal some additional clues to the function of Broca's area independent of language modality. ===================================================== ABSTRACT 2: Erhard, P., Hickok, G., et al. (1995). Brain mapping of activated areas in deaf subjects using American Sign Language during language paradigms. Poster presented at the Meeting of the Society for Magnetic Resonance. Nice, France, August. American Sign Language (ASL) displays all of the complex linguistic structure of spoken languages, but encodes that information spatially. Thus, ASL allows one to dissociate modality dependent from modality independent contributions to the neural organization for language. ASL's extensive reliance on spatial contrasts in the encoding of linguistic structure would suggest a greater right hemisphere involvement; however, there is strong evidence from lesion studies that ASL is processed predominantly in the left cerebral hemisphere, and is to a large extent independent of non-linguistic spatial cognition. In addition, studies with ASL can allow the determination of whether Broca's area functions specifically in the realm of language or is a higher order motor field concerne d with sequential movements. BOLD based functional Magnetic Resonance Imaging (fMRI) provides the opportunity to elucidate the neural substrate of ASL and th e cortical representation of language in general. This approach was employed to map activated regions in deaf subjects who are native ASL users during covert and overt signing and during a motor control task that involved reproducing "nonsense" hand shapes. Methods: fMRI experiments were performed on a whole body system equipped with a head gradient coil insert and a quadrature head coil. Twenty eight contiguous, multislice BOLD based fMRI images (TE = 20 ms; 50 ms/each image; 64x64; FOV = 20x20 cm2; slice thickness 5 mm) were obtained with conventional blipped EPI. The repetition time was 2.5 sec for the multislice image set. A multislice, T1 weighted FLASH sequence was also used to acquire anatomical images of the same slices used for fMRI (TE = 8 ms, TR =11 ms). The paradigms involved visual presentations via an RGB driven LCD display onto a backprojection screen that was viewed by the subjects through an angled mirror. Four tasks were examined: (a) covert signing of objects: subjects were asked t o imagine the ASL signs for objects displayed on the screen in succession every 2 second (bee, flower, apple, car etc.; objects that would be spelled using the English-based manual alphabet rather than represented were avoided); (b) overt signing of objects with one hand: same as the covert task but subjects produced the signs with the hand adjacent to their leg to minimize motion (this is not a n unnatural task and this form of signing is employed in situations requiring som e degree of privacy; it is commonly referred to as "whispering"); (c) covert sig n generation: subjects were shown a hand shape every 5 seconds and were asked to think of as many ASL signs as they could that contained that handshape; (d) reproducing "nonsense" hand-shapes; subjects were asked to reproduce nonsense hand shapes displayed to them in succession on the backprojection screen. During the paradigms, task periods were alternated with "baseline" periods during which the subjects were shown a flickering "noise" pattern on the screen . The activation maps were generated by a t-test screening for task-related changes relative to this baseline. A total of 7 deaf native signers were examined. The data presented below are from 2 subjects analyzed for covert signing and motor control paradigms, and 1 subject analyzed for overt signing a t the present time, and represent preliminary results. RESULTS: Extensive and consistent activation was observed during the aforelisted paradigms. Most notably, in both covert tasks, areas activated included i) areas dorsal to the sylvian fissure including area 44 (Broca's area), ii)portions of areas 9 and 8, iii) medial wall motor areas (including portions of supplementary motor area (SMA), preSMA, and the cingulate motor areas buried in the cingulate sulcus) iv) lateral motor areas 4 and 6 (despite no actual signing) v) area 7, 40, 42, and 22 of the parietal cortex; vi) a portion of area 24 located anteriorly in the cingulate gyrus. Activation in the medial wall motor areas, anterior cingulate gyrus and prefrontal cortex were not as extensive in the motor control paradigm (reproduction of nonsense hand shapes). Of special note, regions of Broca's area that were activated during covert signing were also activated during the performance non-representational hand-movements. This observation suggests either of two exciting possibilities: i) Broca's area is not exclusively related to language function as generally assumed but may represent a higher order premotor area related to sequencing of motor acts or ii) significant plasticity of brain function has occurred in deaf subjects who are native ASL users. These possibilities are currently being explored in additional experiments which include imaging hearing subjects who are native English speakers. ================================================== ****************************** (IV) RELEVANT REFERENCES: ****************************** ================================================== The following volume should be at the top of any list of references on this topic. It was suggested by seven of those responding as the first place to look: Poizner, H., Klima, E.S. & Bellugi, U. (1987), What the hands reveal about the brain, Cambridge MA, MIT Press. =================================================== Other suggested references are given here in alphabetical order: Alexander, M. P., Naeser, M. A., & Palumbo, C. (1990). Broca's area aphasias: Aphasia after lesions including the frontal operculum. Neurology, 40, 353-362. Bellugi, U., Poizner, H., & Klima, E.S. 1989. Language, modality, and the brain. Trends in Neurosciences, 10, 380-388. Corina, Poizner, Bellugi, Feinberg, Dowd, & O'Grady-Batch (1992): Dissociation between linguistic and nonlinguistic gestural systems: A case for compositionality. Brain and Language, 43, 414-447. Damasio, Bellugi, Damasio, Poizner, & van Gilder (1986): Sign language aphasia during left hemisphere amytal injection. Nature, 322, 363-365. Damasio, H., & Frank, R. (1992). Three-dimensional in vivo mapping of brain lesions in humans. Archives of Neurology, 49, 137-143. DeRenzi, E., & Vignolo, L. A. (1962). The token test: A sensitive test to detect receptive disturbances in aphasics. Brain, 85, 665-678. Goodglass, H., & Kaplan, E. (1976). The assessment of aphasia and related disorders. Philadelphia, PA: Lea & Febiger. Hinke, R. M., Hu, X., Stillman, A. E., Kim, S.-G., Merkle, H., Salmi, R., & Ugurbil, K. (1993). Functional magnectic resonance imaging of Broca's area during internal speech. Neuroreport, 4, 675-678. Mohr, J. P. (1976). Broca's area and Broca's aphasia. In H. Whitaker & H. A. Whitaker (Eds.), Studies in neurolinguistics, vol. 1, . New York: Academic Press. Mohr, J. P., Pessin, M. S., Finkelstein, S., Funkenstein, H. H., Duncan, G. W., & Davis, K. R. (1978). Broca aphasia: Pathological and clinical. Neurology, 28, 311-324. Neville, H. J., Corina, D., Bavelier, D., Clark, V. P., Jezzard, P., Prinster, A., Padmanabhan, S., Braun, A., Rauschecker, J., & Turner, R. (1995). Effects of early experience on cerebral organization for language: An fMRI study of sentence processing in English and ASL by hearing and deaf subjects. Proceedings of the First International Conference on Functional Mapping on the Human Brain, 1, p. 143. [page # may be incorrect] Neville, H. J., Coffey, S. A., Lawson, D. S., Fischer, A., Emmorey, K., & Bellugi, U. (in press). Neural systems mediating American Sign Language: Effects of sensory experience and age of acquisition. Brain and Language. Ojemann, G. A. (1983). Brain organization for language from the perspective of electrical stimulation mapping. Behavioral and Brain Sciences, 6, 189-230. Penfield, W., & Roberts, L. (1959). Speech and brain-mechanisms. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press. Petersen, S. E., Fox, P. T., Posner, M. I., Mintun, M., & Raichle, M. E. (1988). Positron emission tomographic studies of the cortical anatomy of single-word processing. Nature, 331, 585-589. "Brain Function for Language: Perspectives from Another Modality" Howard Poizner, Ursula Bellugi, and Edward S. Klima In MODULARITY AND THE MOTOR THEORY OF SPEECH PERCEPTION (ch. 7) Ignatius G. Mattingly & Michael Studdert-Kennedy, eds. Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1991 ISBN 0-8058-0331-9 Poizner, Corina, Bellugi, O'Grady, Feinberg, & Dowd (1989): Sign aphasia and spared pantomime. Journal of Clinical and Experimental Neuropsychology, 11. 42-?. Poizner & Kegl (1992): Neural basis of language and motor behavior: Perspectives from American Sign Language. Aphasiology, 6, 219-256. Rueckert, L., Appollonio, I., Grafman, J., Jezzard, P., Johnson, R., Le Bihan, D., & Turner, R. (1994). Magnetic resonance imaging functional activation of left frontal cortex during covert word production. Journal of Neuroimaging, 4, 67-70. Tonkonogy, J., & Goodglass, H. (1981). Language function, foot of the third frontal gyrus, and rolandic operculum. Archives of Neurology, 38, 486-490. Wilcox, Sherman, et al. 1995. Gesture and the Nature of Language. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.