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In LINGUIST 7.419 Waruno Mahdi writes: >>>>>> There is incidentally also no masculine correspondent to the German feminine noun Hebamme "midwife" (just as there is no *"midhusband" in English), although male persons pursuing that profession do exist in Germany. Correspondingly you also cannot form plurals like *PolitessInnen or *HebammInnen. <<<<<< It is a common misapprehension even among native speakers of English that "midwife" means some kind of "wife" and therefore refers to a woman. The syllable "mid" here probably comes from Old English "mid" 'with' (cognate to German "mit"): the midwife stays *with* the woman (who is typically a *wife*) during labor. English "male midwife" is, I guess, partly due to this mistaken analysis, but is also justifiable on the same grounds as "male nurse", as indicating the statistically marked sex of the referent. Mark A. Mandel Dragon Systems, Inc. : speech recognition : +1 617 965-5200 320 Nevada St. : Newton, Mass. 02160, USA : markMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issuedragonsys.com
In spite of claims to the contrary, modern colloquial Basque is not completely bereft of gender. In many western Basque varieties, Spanish nouns and adjectives are borrowed in both their masc and fem forms. This is especially interesting in the case of adjectives, since the facts show that the grammatical notion of "gender" has been borrowed. For instance, in the variety spoken in Lakeitio we find mutil alto bat "a tall boy" (boy tall one) but neska alta bat "a tall girl" (girl tall-fem one), with an alto/alta distinction . Now, as James Harris and others have argued, more than a fem/masc gender contrast, Spanish has a fem/unmarked opposition. That is, there are forms that carry a feminine gender feature and words that are unmarked for gender. There are many strong arguments for this. One of them is that prepositions, clauses and other constituents that do not have and cannot have grammatical gender always take masculine agreement: hay demasiados paras en este parrafo (example from Harris) "there are too many(masc) "paras" in this paragraph", el que llegaras tarde me molesto' "the(masc) [fact] that you arrived late bothered me", el comer mucho es malo Lit. "the(masc) eating too much is bad(masc)", etc, etc. Lekeitio Basque speakers appear to have grasped this unmarked status of the Spanish masculine. Feminine adjectives are used exclusively in reference to female animates. Inanimates invariable take the Spanish masculine: etxe alto bat "a tall house". By the way, in the few Spanish borrowings of this type found in Academic American English one finds the same pattern: he is a Latino writer / she is a Latina writer / U.S. Latino Studies. Jose Ignacio Hualde Dept. of Spanish, Italian, and Portuguese 4080 FLB Univ. of Illinois, Urbana, IL 61801 jihualdeMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issueux1.cso.uiuc.edu
Yishai Tobin (3/21/96) notes the sometime use in Hebrew of 'masculine' grammatical forms to refer to females in a familiar or intimate context. He asks for other related observations. His interesting note made me think of Italian forms of address. Italian has tu/te (you sg.), voi (you pl.), lui (he/him) and lei (she/her). But in Standard Italian, tu is, as is well known, the 'familiar' form, while the 'polite' or deferential form is lei (sometimes written Lei). (Many speakers use instead, or also, voi, as the French use vous.) This deferential lei is usually treated at least implicitly as a homonym of lei=she/her, i.e., a phonetically identical form with however a different meaning. Yet one should be skeptical of hasty homonymy; often it's tantamount to an admission of failure. Consider the possibility that lei has a single meaning that accounts for all its uses. In using either voi or lei to address a single individual, the speaker is essentially lying, pretending not to be addressing the individual. This is 'polite' because it allows the hearer to entertain the fiction that anything the speaker says might not apply to him or her; the speaker pretends not to presume anything about such an illustrious person as the hearer. (Historically, this lei supposedly referred to 'Vostra Signoria' (Your Lordship), but our concern is with the current state of affairs.) Voi accomplishes this subterfuge by claiming that the speaker is address- ing more than one person, including the hearer; so any statement risks applying to that illustrious person only very indirectly. Lei accom- lishes the same thing by pretending to refer to someone else entirely (so it is sometimes noted that lei is even more deferential than voi). Both uses, then, so far are understandable: they are deliberate fictions, and for the linguist to ignore the fiction and posit homonyms is to miss the point entirely. The only question remaining is: Why lei instead of lui (he/him)? Occasionally--not at all often--one finds in Standard Italian texts lei referring not literally to a female but to something that might be said nevertheless to have something approaching animacy. Some of these examples appear to be personifications (another kind of fiction). Rarely, though, it may be necessary to talk of a kind of animacy that one would not want to label personification (for examples, just ask). Ultimately, then--if one wishes to pursue a signal-meaning approach--one might propose that lui means ONE MALE OTHER THAN SPEAKER OR HEARER, and that lei means something like ONE NON-MALE ANIMATE-LIKE REFERENT OTHER THAN SPEAKER OR HEARER, which would obviously include females. (Naturally we would not expect every speaker of 'Italian' to have the same grammar; there may well be speakers for whom lei does mean just ONE FEMALE..., and speakers for whom lui is not specifically MALE; an analysis applies to just those speakers/writers that it successfully accounts for.) What's striking here, then, is how in both the Hebrew and the Italian cases, the 'feminine' form correlates with lack of familiarity. Joseph Davis Visiting Assistant Professor English Department University of KentuckyMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue
Regarding Yishai Tobin's remarks on use of masculine markers by women, I have heard similar things from Russian women. On more than one occasion, I have heard different women use masculine endings on verbs and (once) on an adjective. The most common verb form I heard with with was *p=F3njal* (m=asc. past tense =3D '[I] understood'), versus *ponjal=E1* (the corresponding feminine form). The adjective I heard it on was *soglasen* (masc. short-form adj) '(I am) in agreement'. The other verbs were along these same semantic lines -- showing agreement or comprehension, and were generally uttered in isolation as single word responses (or even interjections). When I cornered them and asked them what the deal was with this (I had never heard it previously -- this firs= t happened 2 years ago), they said they often used the masculine forms in such contexts. At first I thought it was, perhaps, a humorous sort of gender-bending, but it seems to be more pragmatically rooted -- but I'm n= ot sure how, and they couldn't articulate it for me... Anyway, my 2 kopecks' worth. Keith Keith Goeringer UC Berkeley Slavic Languages & Literatures kegMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issueviolet.berkeley.edu