Editor for this issue: Ann Dizdar <dizdar
tam2000.tamu.edu>
The LSA (and other organizations) need to adopt a "look locally/think practically" approach (my apologies to Eckert and McConnell-Ginet for appropriating their terms). The reality is that discrimination against gays and lesbians will occur - and bashings will happen -- whether or not particular states have anti-lesbian/gay discrimination legislation. So the argument regarding the safety and comfort of LSA members is fictitious. (I also recognize that there are some places which really do represent a very real danger to lesbians and gays, and obviously the LSA should not be holding its meetings there.) What you have been really talking about here are those more high-profile cases where states have either been targetted by lesbian/gay activists to adopt anti-discrimination legislation, or those states that are campaigning to adopt ANTI-anti-discrimination legislation (or have successfuly done so already). As I stated above, I question whether lesbians and gays will REALLY be at any more danger in these states, than in any others. So what the LSA is REALLY talking about is making a political statement. A boycott will provide an opportunity to raise important political messages. And of course, if enough groups boycott, then an economic impact will surely be felt. This raises the issue of whether the LSA wants to be a political body. And of course, I suspect the answer is "no". So I am tempted to fall into the trap of taking the position: If there is no REAL risk to the comfort and safety of ALL the members of the LSA (on the grounds of sexual orientation, race, gender, etc.), then the politics of a particular region should not at all be a factor in deciding where meetings are held. HOWEVER, having said that, we need to look about HOW legislation comes to be. Believe me, it has absolutely nothing to do with the good will and common sense of politicians. It has everything to do with pressures that are put on them by NON-political bodies. So if all non-political groups never took a political stand, then nothing would every happen! CONCLUSION: I am in favour of the LSA boycotting regions that have legislation that actively allows discrimination against lesbians and gays, or those regions that have been targetted by lesbian/gay activists for l/g-positive amendments to human rights legislation. However, I arrive at this for very different reasons that whether or not lesbians and gays will be safe and comfortable in these places. Members of LSA must recognize that all groups DO have political clout (whether or not they want it), and therefore they must be prepared to accept this responsibility (again, whether or not they want to). - =========================================================================== | Greg Jacobs | YORK UNIVERSITY | | | Office of Research Administration | | Phone: (416) 736-5055 | S414 Ross Building | | Fax: (416) 736-5512 | 4700 Keele Street | | E-mail: gjacobsMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issueyorku.ca | North York, Ontario | | | M3J 1P3 | | | | ===========================================================================
The Meetings' Boycott Policy Statement of the LSA makes it clear than the boycott of locales does not just apply to sites that have a history of discrimination or persecution aginst the "protected states or behavior". That I could understand. Nor does it just apply to states or cities that have overt statutes criminalizing such "protected" states or behavior. That I could understand. But the LSA Boycott Policy applies to cities and Sovereign States who have failed to adopt overt ordinances of political and ideological conformity with political positions and ideologies having nothing to do with the scientific study of language. In so doing we leave ourselves open to presumption of evidence that we are simply another ideologically based Political Action Group. Why not go even further and require that all members sign oaths of political and ideological conformity or face denial of membership or expulsion? Wouldn't that be the honest next step? Joe Foster Joseph F Foster Dept. of Anthropology U. of Cincinnati 45221-0380Mail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue
I'd like to make some comments of a linguistic nature on the term "political correctness", following from what Karl Teeter and Vicky Fromkin pointed out. In so doing, I am not interested in particularly joining the discussion about the LSA policy, which I have no problem with -- except that even with the discounts I think the hotel rooms are too expensive. First, I must say that I agree with Karl and Vicky's assessment of the "connotations" of the expression, as currently used -- and as specifically used in the context of the LSA policy, viz. to quote Vicky: "It has been and, as Karl points out, continues to be a pejorative term used against those who are outspokenly in favor of, for example, affirmative action, or are openly feminist, anti-racist, etc." Wait, I don't mean that those who have questioned the LSA policy are racist, etc., although they obviously have resentments, like all users of the term (except comedians who use those resentments for entertainment purposes). But I do mean that they are using the rhetoric of such a perspective, and they are too close to that usage in time to use that term frivolously. It has certainly been pushed (since Souza's book, I think) to reinforce "backlash" resentments. It's more specific connotations are that those who observe "political correctness" are "smug, probably hypocritical, and necessarily "intolerant" of other "opinions"." The most ascerbic implication of the term is that its observers are "opinionated busybodies who are not (or shouldn't be) personally affected by what they support" (cf. "outside agitators" in the political rhetoric of an earlier era.) This slur implies that "politically correct" anti-racists are white, not non-white, "politically correct" feminists are men, not women, etc., where etc even includes such things as they are already in positions where affirmative action is not a "threat" to them. The first messages to use this term with respect to the LSA policies left out the point that those policies explicitly claim that the LSA adopted this policy to protect its members. Whether that omission was deliberate or an oversight I couldn't say. When that was pointed out in defense of the LSA policy, it took the wind out of the sails of the slur implied in "political correctness", since it asserted that LSA members are indeed personally affected by what they support. The counter-arguments then fragmented in all kinds of directions containing elements like "priorities: linguistics vs. protection of members at risk -- implying not all or even most members, cf. minorities", convenience and "fairness" as far as travel for members not at risk, and even that "gays" could obstain from at-risk practices during the period of convention as a "courtesy" (I guess) to those who would be convenienced by allowing conferences to be held in places where discriminatory laws are in effect. Meanwhile, the term "political correctness" did not go away. To me, that implies that those who continued to use it did not believe that the rationale of the LSA policy is what it is stated to be, or at least that if it is, it is somehow misguided. That's a serious social problem, and a reflection of the same problem in the larger society. As an aside, I can imagine similar debate for and against holding the 1936 Olympics in Hilterian Berlin. In retrospect, pro could argue, as Brundage did, that the Olympics were not "political" and, in retrospect, that Jesse Owens' performance created trouble for the Nazi racist doctrines (trouble that Nazism was able to overcome fairly quickly -- and they had to, because Jesse Owens was becoming a hero to many Germans, including school children). Con would argue, of course, that it legitimised the fascist, racist regime in the eyes of the world, and made it look "good" by playing the gracious host (even going so far as suspending some of its racist laws while hosting the games). Getting back to the present, "political correctness" belongs to the same semantic complex that coopted the term "liberal" as a pejorative term, and even played on its common root with "libertine". "moderate" came in to fill the non-pejorative gap. Of course, "moderate" did not maintain the implications of robustness and "progressiveness" that "liberal" had for a long time before the war in Vietnam, but that was how successful pejoration of "liberal" was. Its real purpose was to oppose "liberal" to "conservative", where any other position was either irrelevant or worse, and then by making "liberal" pejorative, force "conservative" as the tacitly "correct" poosition. Some of you realise from earlier things I have said, that I perceive pejorative or at least stuffy connotations to the word "correct" itself, preferring the word "right" in non- technical (and sometimes even in technical) discourse. I don't think that is simply an idiosyncrasy of mine, but a sense of the stuffiness of the term in colloquial English, where it smacks of "school culture" and associated authoritarianism. Anyway, in contrast to the success of such words as "political correctness" and "liberal" with regard to their intended connotations, unsuccessful, at least in the universities, was the attempt by the same semantic (or ideological) complex to pejorate the word "humanism". It failed when the idea of presenting "creationism" as a "scientific" theory failed. For the future, we can keep watch on the term "political correctness". It is a powerful term. As with other terms of its complex, its denotations and specific implications are likely to change, while its pejoration is its whole reason for being. It may even mean something different to younger speakers at present than it does for those of us that were aware of its purposes starting in the '80s, and even of some of the less sophisticated expressions that it replaced. By the way, we could bring Chomskyan political theory back into linguistics by studying the role of the media in propagating the term to the society at large. It was frequently featured in editorials for a while, and even more frequently discussed in letters to the editor and related letters type sections of newspapers. Has it spread to other languages? What would that tell us about the societies speaking those languages? In the end, discussion will be necessary to figure out what any two people mean by the term in argument. For the present, I think that my understanding of it, along with Karl and Vicky's is adequate to the understand its use in the debate about LSA policy. If I'm wrong about that, I'd like to know why. -- BenjiMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue