Editor for this issue: T. Daniel Seely <dseely
emunix.emich.edu>
A lot has been said in this discussion in support of the use of standard dialect in the appropriate occasion (including my own squib in 7-841), with much of which I agree. Just for the record, however, I would like to remind of examples of opposite treatments, including a celebrated historical instance, in which a classical standard dialect was dumped in favour of a vernacular which then took up the position of new standard. The most famous instance was probably the replacement of Latin by Italian vernacular in the Renaissance. It was propounded by Dante Alighieri in "De vulgari eloquentia", and put into practice in his "La divina commedia" (The Divine Commedy), marking the transition from Latin to Italian as standard dialect of science and literature in 14th century Italy. In modern times, we may witness the elevation of Tok Pisin and Bislama, both English Pidgins, to national languages of communication in Papua- New Guinea and Vanuatu respectively. In my own study on the competing roles of High and Low Malay dialects in the formation of modern Indonesian, now approaching completion, I have tried to follow the decline of the High Malay of traditional literature and court languages, and rise of Low Malay vernaculars on the trade routes and sea ports. In the first half of the 20th century, an actually all but extinct High Malay language tradition was officially re-installed as language of Malay instruction in government schools and government popular literature publication under the colonial administration, while Low Malay vernacular, a.k.a. as Bazaar Malay, was the language actually used in the indigenous press and privately published literature, and spoken in social and political organizations of the indigenous population. My generalized conclusion is, that the arguments put forward earlier in favour of recognizing the need of a standard dialect and its use in academic, serious, official, etc. genres only apply under "normal" conditions, when purely linguistic criteria are permitted to be the determining factors. It happens, however, that a standard dialect and a vernacular may acquire competing social tags, and that then the social group that is identified by the vernacular rises to a position of at least equal footing with that of the group identified by the (former) standard dialect. In this case, the vernacular may attain the role previously reserved for the former standard, acquiring the additional features (terminology etc.) needed for this in the process. The "dialectal upheaval" may be the result of a fight-out between opposing social factions (as in Italian Renassance) or that of a more peaceful concord (the Melanesian examples), or it may become dissolved in a convergence of the two dialect traditions (the Indonesian example). I would greatly appreciate other examples of such processes, as also references to the role of Low German in the development of Nordic languages, the replacement of Rigsmol in Norway, and the influence of local American dialects and vernaculars on American Standard English particularly in the post-World-War-II period (please mail directly to me to avoid cluttering up LINGUIST List; I'll post a summary if enough material accumulates). All the best, Waruno - --------------------------------------------------------------------- Waruno Mahdi tel: +49 30 8413 5408 Faradayweg 4-6 fax: +49 30 8413 3155 14195 Berlin email: warunoMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issueparadox.rz-berlin.mpg.de Germany WWW: http://paradox.rz-berlin.mpg.de/