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Review of Mark Platts (1997), Ways of Meaning, MIT Press (a Bradford book), Cambridge MA. pp. 304+xiv. Price not known. Reviewed by John Lee <johnMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issuecogsci.ed.ac.uk> Ways of Meaning is a book that may already be familiar to many readers. It first appeared in 1979 and is here republished as a second edition. In this second edition, Mark Platts has made only two changes: the addition of an extra chapter, and a list of further readings relating to the existing chapters. The main objective of the book is to lay out, render coherent and make accessible the main structure of an approach to the theory of meaning, which is essentially the approach sometimes known as the "Davidsonian programme". Previously recognisable mainly through the scattered writings of a number of authors, not always clear or consistent, Platts' book helps to underpin the wide perception of this programme as one of the most significant developments in post-war philosophy of language. Aside from many of the characteristics of a textbook, there is also in here the development of a distinctive position which, woven into a somewhat more contemporary discussion in the new final chapter, suggests that despite the passage of 18 years the book is not merely historical. There are three parts to the book: in the first (chapters I-III), the basic theory of meaning is laid out; in the second (chapters IV-VIII) its implications and justifications are considered in terms of various well-known issues in dealing with different linguistic structures; in the third (chapters IX-XI), some of the issues raised by the underlying realist metaphysic are discussed. The first chapter deals with the central role of truth-conditions in the theory. One objective is to establish that cases of Tarski's familiar "Convention T" are not merely trivial. Platts makes central use of the notion of translation, observing that 'Grass is green' is true if and only if grass is green expresses a contingent truth about the English language, more obviously so if it were expressed say in French, a truth "both learnable and forgettable". This truth is about the relationship between language and the world (i.e. that which makes sentences true), which leads Platts further to argue that the theory is "realistic", that it implies a "correspondence" theory of the relationship between linguistic structure and the structures of reality, and that acceptance of this commits one to the identification of the theory of meaning with the theory of truth-conditions. The theory of meaning, Platts says, is ultimately all about deriving a theory of understanding; such an objective also argues for maintaining as close a fit as possible between object- and meta-language, so that we can be clear about what it is we are attributing understanding of. In chapter II, this basically Davidsonian position is augmented with a notion from McDowell, that we need also a theory of "force", which provides a characterisation of the speech-act that an utterance involves -- its "mode" -- and its grammatical mood, and also allows us to derive for any utterance "a suitably related indicative sentence". We then arrive at the following final definition for "Sentence s in language L means that p": There is a truth-theory <theta> for L such that: (a) It is a theorem of <theta> that s is true if and only if p; and (b) the deliverances of that theory combine with an acceptable theory of force and with observed linguistic and non-linguistic behaviour to license the ascription of plausible propositional attitudes to speakers of L. (p 67) Chapter III is a critique of intentional theories of meaning, conducted via a detailed discussion of Grice (now anachronistically introduced as "recent"), taken as being apparently representative of these. There is much of interest in the detail, but Platts' central point is that in the end Grice can only supply (b) in the definition above; i.e. that the role of intentions is in the theory of force, not in the theory of sense which has to be abstract and recursive if it is to lead us fully to understand linguistic behaviour. In part 2, there emerges ever more clearly the characteristic bifurcation of Platts' treatment of meaning into matters of sense and force, and his insistence that the former is central at least for philosophical concerns, and that all it has to do is specify truth-conditions. Thus, for example, he takes it as sufficient, in accounting for non-standard quantifiers such as "most", to produce a relational analysis (avoiding the troublesome connective in standard quantificational analyses) and then saying: a sequence S satisfies '(Mx)(Fx, Gx)' if and only if most F-satisfiers are also G-satisfiers (p 104). It's of little concern e.g. that this fails to license inferences such as from "most: to "some", which simply need some additional axiomatisation in the meta-language, so long as we have "an adequate truth-theory". Here appears a gap between the interests of the formal semanticist and the "traditional logician", which is also taken into account in discussing intensional contexts: here, after detailed treatments of Quine, Frege, Davidson and Donellan, the conclusion is that identification of referential usage, and the "speaker's referent" is critical to establishing truth-conditions, and cannot therefore be relegated to "pragmatics". Discussing naming and identity, Platts proposes that sameness of "literal" meaning needs to be distinguished from "sameness of saying", which latter notion is essentially pragmatic, and is also assimilated to "sameness of informative content". So The Morning Star is the Evening Star means the same as The Morning Star is the Morning Star and the difference in informativeness has to do with the theory of force, not sense. This helps develop the way in which Platts sees his theory as being properly "austere": it needs only to specify what it is that an expression connects to in the world; it need (and should) say nothing about how this connection arises. So austere is it, that it should not even seek to disambiguate. The truth-conditions of sentences e.g. containing proper names just are ambiguous; speakers' meanings can be decided only by considering force and ascribing appropriate propositional attitudes. In this context, Platts has an unexpectedly elaborate discussion of adjectives. Much of this is fascinating and ingenious, but it seems largely tangential to the general development of the theory, serving however to show how complex can be the logical form of something apparently fairly simple. The subsequent discussion of actions and causes is largely aimed at establishing whether Strawson and others have been right to suggest that Davidson's account of these as based on an ontology of events actually falsifies the intuitions of competent speakers. Austerity comes naturally to the rescue here since as long as the truth-conditions of the event-based analyses come out as required Platts is content to ignore the whole question of how speakers understand their language. Part 3 of the book has three chapters. The first of these (chapter IX) elaborates the realist picture of the relationship between meaning, understanding and reality by addressing the notion that meaning can be identified with a rule for usage. Here are discussed (following Crispin Wright) problems of paradoxes such as that of the heap, or of a pictured face made of dots (where moving or removing one dot always leaves it still a face). Wright argued that these paradoxes would be fatal if meaning were rule based, so it can't be. But Platts proposes instead that sufficiently austere rules will avoid the problem, which is then seen to arise from an unwanted and unwarranted decompositional analysis. In the face case, for example, we do not infer that there is a face from the pattern of dots; we just see it. So our mastery of the predicate "is a picture of a face" can't be reduced to our mastery of predicates about dots (though it is a bit trickier thus to explain away the heap). The combination of austerity and realism renders Platts immune to all reductionist or verificationist arguments: he is determined to banish all issues of how and why expressions relate to the world to enterprises outside his focus on the theory of sense. Chapter X extends the realist idea into the field of moral discourse and proposes a version of ethical intuitionism. I shall not discuss it, since it does not concern further development of the theory itself. The final chapter is the new one. It arises partly as a response (Platts says in the preface) to the complaints of reviewers that he had said nothing about natural kinds. These earlier reviews of course address the main part of the book in exactly the same form as it is now re-issued, and it would be pointless here to re-tread the ground they cover. (Two are identified by Platts as being the most perceptive -- Steven E Boer in Linguistics and Philosophy 1980, and Bernard Linsky in the Canadian Journal of Philosophy 1980 -- though he chooses not to respond to them. I commend these both to the reader as raising other important issues such as Platts' failure to comment on the indeterminacy of translation, which is disturbing given the centrality of translation in his discussion of T.) It seems best to devote most of the rest of this discussion to the final chapter. A well-known argument due originally to Putnam proposes that the meanings of "natural kind" terms, such as "water", "tiger", "lemon" etc., are partly determined by scientific knowledge which is available in detail only to experts. The truth of "X is water" depends on facts about the chemical composition of X, etc. But, observing a distinction between "natural kinds" and "artificial kinds", Platts says we need to ask, for any kind-word: is it treated as a natural-kind word, and is its extension the actual membership of a natural kind? He then embarks on a long discussion of what it is to be a natural kind. The notion is developed in terms of causal laws and explanation, which (following a later argument of Putnam's) makes it interest-relative, and it is proposed that there can be natural kinds at different "levels" -- e.g. lemons, soft fruit, fruit, etc. -- which defuses some earlier objections to aspects of Putnam's original arguments by e.g. Mellor. This is interesting (and reasonably persuasive as far as it goes), but it seems to be unnecessary. Given the earlier emphasis on austerity in the theory of sense, it is hard to see why Platts would not say that there is no important distinction, from that point of view, between natural and artificial kinds: 'X is a lemon' is true if and only if X is a lemon; 'Y is a viola' is true if and only if Y is a viola. It makes no difference that lemons are kinds of fruit, or that violas are members of the violin family; these are not issues that affect truth-conditions as such. Platts pursues his theme of interest-relativity through a discursion on Locke and other empiricists, Ramsey and also Leibniz, intent on establishing that natural kinds should not appear to be "merely in the mind" -- I find this less persuasive, but again, apart from its relevance to supporting realism, it seems tangential to the book's programme. Eventually, however, Platts does propose the consistently austere response to Putnam (pp 286ff), accusing him of armchair psychologising and arguing that the theory of meaning is in no way dependent on explaining acquisition or speakers' knowledge. Putnam has been misled partly by concentrating too much on words rather than sentences as the primary unit of meaning. In summary, this is a useful book as a text for teaching the issues in the Davidsonian programme up to 1979. However, it is never brought up to date in a satisfactory way -- the suggestions for further reading are useful but brief, and even the new discussion of natural kinds, interesting and worthwhile in itself, is firmly based on Putnam's early work. Though dedicated to Putnam, the book entirely ignores his later work: "Meaning and the Moral Sciences" is referenced on the topic of explanation, but not on the irrelevance of realism to Convention T; the essays it contains on anti-realism, and Putnam's subsequent writing in that line, are neglected. Such considerations I think could show Platts' book more relevant than it appears to other theoretical traditions. But even if one accepts the realist assumptions, much other recent work in semantics has been related not only to the philosophical interests focussed on by Platts, but even more to the demands of e.g. cognitive science. While it is perhaps salutary to be reminded of the proper boundaries of a theory of truth-conditions, the reminder is also apt to emphasise how narrowly that theory figures in the overall theory of understanding which is also for Platts the ultimate objective. Most useful in this second edition would have been some discussion of progress on the general programme. Austerity is tolerable only for so long -- we need the promise of jam tomorrow. - ---------------- John Lee works at the Human Communication Research Centre at the University of Edinburgh. He holds a PhD in Cognitive Science and Philosophy from Edinburgh, and is interested in cognitive theories of representation and reasoning. In particular, he is currently working on representation in education, and the educational importance of dialogue.