Editor for this issue: Anita Huang <anita
linguistlist.org>
I am interested in the relationship, if any, between two facts about Romance verbs, which I will call Fact A and Fact B. Fact A: In some Romance languages, some verbs have root extensions whose distribution is correlated with stress: the extension appears precisely where, if it were absent, the stress would go on the verb root. An example is the -isc- of Italian _finire_ 'finish': _fin-isc-o, fin-isc-i_ have the extension, thereby protecting the root _fin-_ from receiving stress, whereas _fin-iamo, fin-ite_ lack the extension, because stress goes on the desinence in these forms. Fact B: In some Romance languages (e.g. Spanish), only the last syllable of the verb root may be stressed, whereas in others (e.g. Italian) the stress 'window' extends to two syllables. Thus there is a stress contrast between Spanish _continUa_ and Italian _contInua_ '(s)he continues', even though both languages have penultimate stress in the adjective _contInuo_ 'continuous'. My hunch is that there is a connection, as follows: all the languages with strictly stress-correlated root extensions, like Italian and (?) Romanian, have a two-syllable stress 'window' on verb roots, and all the languages in which only the last syllable of the verb root can be stressed, like Spanish and Portuguese, lack stress-correlated root extensions. Is this hunch correct? I am particularly interested in Catalan, which differs from Spanish and Portuguese in having a root extension (-eix-). Does it also differ from them in having a two-syllable verbal stress window, like Italian? And if my hunch *is* correct, why should it be so? I will post a summary. Andrew Carstairs-McCarthy Department of Linguistics, University of Canterbury, Private Bag 4800, Christchurch, New Zealand phone (work) +64-3-364 2211; (home) +64-3-355 5108 fax +64-3-364 2969 e-mail a.c-mccMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issueling.canterbury.ac.nz
I am interested in linguistic changes that have taken place since the
beginning of the 1960s in the English spoken on the media, more
precisely in interviews, debates and news broadcasts.
I am interested not only in pronunciation changes such as, for
example, an increased incidence of glottal stops and a decline in
'back a', but also changes in the way speakers organize the
information in their speech.
An example of the latter would be an increased number of contractions
('don't' instead of 'do not'), an increase in subordinator 'that'
deletion (I think (that) he went), stranded prepositions (the person
I am thinking of), or split infinitives. In short, an increase in
reduced forms and 'dispreferred' structures in media speech.
I would be very grateful if you could give me the references of any
research that has been done on this topic. I am mainly concerned
with British English, but would also welcome references to research
in American English.
Naturally I will present a summary of any replies I receive.
Many thanks.
Alan Smith,
School of Modern Languages, Dept of French
University of Newcastle upon Tyne
NE1 7RU
U.K. E-mail: alan.smith
ncl.ac.uk
Fax: (0191)2225442
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I am a PhD student at the University of Western Australia, and am doing crosslinguistic research in the area of second language (L2)reading. I have been trying (in vain) to locate a reading proficiency test for adult native readers of Japanese. I am looking for a rough discriminator - basically I am trying to determine less proficient from more proficient first language (L1)readers,rather than identify reading disorders. I then want to use this information in order to establish whether L1 reading proficiency may be impacting on L2 reading proficiency in my study (my participants are ESL students). I would appreciate any advice about who to contact or where I might be able to obtain such tests. Thank you for your help, Julienne Chan Graduate School of Education University of Western Australia Email: jchanMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issueecel.uwa.edu.au