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Editor for this issue: Anita Huang <anitalinguistlist.org>
orion.oac.uci.edu>Irvine Linguistics Students Association is pleased to announce the publication of the following two UCI Dissertations in Linguistics. ::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::: An Asymmetry in the Composition of Phrase Structure and its Consequences Toru Ishii University of California, Irvine 1997 This dissertation proposes a new system of the composition of phrase structure in which there is an asymmetry with respect to merger. In the system proposed here, the terms required by uninterpretable formal features (UFFs) are merged cyclically while those not required by any UFFS are merged postcyclically. This asymmetry arises from the need for satisfaction of the Immediate Checking Principle (ICP) on UFFs and the Earliness Principles (EP) on Select. These two principles, being language-specific computational devices, are conceptually attractive in contributing to the reduction of fundamental globality in the theory of language. The proposed system of phrase structure receives strong support from a wide range of empirical facts. First, it accounts for locality restrictions on movement, specifically the "domain barrier" effects and the ban against extraction out of moved phrases, which have not been given any principled minimalist account. The salient property of our phrase-structural locality theory is that locality conditions do not follow from restrictions on movement but from restrictions on merger. Second, it gives an account of an asymmetry between feature-driven and non-feature-driven movement regarding the existence of locality condition effects. Third, it accounts for hitherto unexplained asymmetries concerning the distribution of wh-elements in-situ in English-type and Japanese-type languages. Fourth, it explains reconstruction effects with Condition C of the binding theory, variable binding, and the interpretation of each other, given that binding relations are established at LF. The empirical arguments of this dissertation constitute evidence in favor of the view that language is essentially derivational in character rather than in the representational mode. This dissertation also lends supports to the language design that language is fundamentally global but there are language-specific computational devices which reduces its fundamental globality to local properties, facilitating its usability in practice. Deriving Distributivity in Mandarin Chinese Xiaoguang Li University of California, Irvine, 1997 It is argued in this thesis that the syntactic notion of tense is correlated with distributivity. Empirical evidence suggests that a distributive reading is positively related to tense. If a language possesses tense markings, then a distributive reading of a preverbal NP is available even in the absence of an overt distributive marker. It is proposed that tense, incorporated in the inflectional head Io, constitutes a driving force for V-to-I movement, which provides a "free ride" for the distributivity projection (DistP). DistP, which lies between VP and IP, is available in English since there is a covert V-to-I movement (Chomsky 1991). Chinese, on the other hand, does not have DistP because there is no V-to-I movement either overtly or covertly. The lack of V-to-I movement correlates with the fact that there is no tense in I0. As a result, a distributive reading is not available in Chinese. Consideration of an early stage of Chinese lends supports to the analysis. Early Mandarin differs from Modern Mandarin with respect to distributivity. In Early Mandarin, a distributive reading is obtainable in the absence of the distributive marker dou. It is argued that in Early Mandarin DistP is available because there is a covert V-to-I movement. Such a V-to-I movement is driven by tense in I0. Ample evidence is employed to show that there are tense markings in Early Mandarin. To derive a distributive reading of a preverbal NP in Chinese, an overt distributive element like dou must be used. It is suggested that dou instantiates the distributive projection by occupying the head position of DistP. It is also argued that dou has undergone a process of grammaticalization. It started as a verb, a full lexical item. Then it became more functional, eventually ending up being the head of DistP. Also available: > UCI Dissertations in Linguistics Griffith, Teresa A. 1996 Projecting Transitivity and Agreement Ikawa, Hajime 1996 Overt Movement as a Reflex of Morphology Takano, Yuji 1996 Movement and Parametric Variation in Syntax Zoerner, Cyril Edward 1995 Coordination: The Syntax of &P US$14 each, plus shipping and handling > UCI Working Papers in Linguistics, Volume 3 (1997). Edited by Luther > Chen-Sheng Liu and Kazue Takeda Articles appearing in the third volume are: Brian Agbayani: Category Raising, Adjunction, and Minimality Lisa Lai-Shen Cheng: "Partial" Wh-Movement Naoki Fukui: Attract and the A-over-A Principle Toru Ishii: The " Crossing" Constraint and the Minimal Link Condition Luther Chen-Sheng Liu: Light Verb and Accusative-ing Gerund in Taiwanese Yuji Takano: Scrambling and Partial Object Shift Kazue Takeda: A Note on Locality of Category Movement and Feature Movement Sze-Wing Tang: The Parametric Approach to the Resultative Construction in Chinese and English Miyoko Yashui: Identification of Ellipses and Other Empty Categories US$14 , plus shipping and handling > UCI Working Papers in Linguistics, Volume 2: Proceedings of the South > Western Optimality Theory Workshop (SWOT II). Edited by Brian Agbayani > and Naomi Harada US $12, plus shipping and handling > UCI Working Papers in Linguistics, Volume 1. Edited by Brian Agbayani, > Kazue Takeda and Sze-Wing Tang US$12, plus shipping and handling Shipping and handling (per item) Domestic: $4; Canada: $6; Mexico: $7 (airmail), $5 (surface); Elsewhere: $12 (airmail), $7 (surface) * International shipping and handling rates are subject to the numbers of items ordered and location. Please contact <ilsaMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue
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