Editor for this issue: Ljuba Veselinova <ljuba
linguistlist.org>
I've been following the discussion of "functionalism" (I think it came out of a discussion of "optimality theory") with some interest, though, to be frank, not reading with complete understanding. To make up for that, I haven't taken sides, but am trying to understand at what level claims made in phonology have phonetic consequences that are "universal", and to what extent they reflect differences in phonetic organisation from one language to another. Whatever what I just said means, here's something that I think is relevant. >an initial [pt] target ... For Natural Phonology, >the fortitive epenthesis gives rise to the 'intuition' that you can't >have initial /pt/ clusters. In discussion now these have been called, as above, /pt/ clusters (English "*pot*ato" with a "reduced vowel"). I don't get it. To me, an "English" (if not universal) initial "cluster" only *releases* the last consonant of the cluster (cf. the "p" in the non-initial /pt/ "cluster", as in "aptitude" is not released). But the /p/ is released in "potato" -- or does someone claim otherwise? In a "real" English cluster, like /st/, not only is nothing but the final consonant released, but there is no delay in onset of vowel voicing following it, e.g., in "stay" (i.e., there is no what used to be called "aspiration" of the consonant before the stressed vowel). In /pt/ato, the t release does lead into delayed vowel voicing, as it should for a SINGLE consonant before a stressed vowel. So talking about a "cluster" seems to be loose talk, and I can't tell if that is leading to a pointless discussion expressed in the following apparent paradox: >The fact that you can't pronounce the cluster in no way means that the >cluster is banned as a side-effect in the pronunciation of some other >phonetic target. This was followed by the statement: >Traditional phonological theory captures constraints >of this sort as static 'phonotactic' conditions on clustering, not as >behavioral constraints on linguistic articulation. Indeed, and we find that most (?) English speakers treat the /kn/ in "knish" like the /pot/ (NOT /pt/) in "potato", and say "kMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issuenish". They don't say, e.g., /a-knish/, putting an anaptyctic vowel in front, as if they associated the initial /kn/ cluster with medial /kn/ as in "acne". With respect to this, we note that Spanish speakers learning English do tend to supply an anaptyctic vowel to pronounce "stay" as "e-stay". Meanwhile, Swahili speakers take Arabic loans like stahili "deserve" and English stimu "steam" and converts the /st/ clusters into /sit/, an extra syllable, where the vowel tends to be voiceless, a common Swahili phonological process for as vowel to undergo in between two voiceless consonants (and also between a voiceless consonant and pause). Devoicing of vowels in certain contexts seems to be as "natural" as voicing consonants between vowels, leading to a contradiction for a theory which thinks it has to choose between C -> voiced /V_V and V -> voiceless /C_C (where both C's are voiceless). Incidentally, (Classical) Arabic seems to have the "Spanish" solution to initial /st/ clusters inasmuch as a predictable vowel is preposed i-stah.a:l (< stah.a:l "deserve"). Unlike "real" vowels this vowel is truly initial, not preceded by a glottal stop, as both orthography and morphophonemics show. So, without taking sides, I wonder on what level of abstractness this discussion of natural or universal phonology is taking place, and how differences among languages arte accounted for. I also wonder what "cluster" means to those who consider "potato" to have an initial cluster in allegro spoken English. - Benji