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Dear Linguists, About a month ago, I sent a query to the LINGUIST asking native speakers of Italian to make grammaticality judgements on sentences involving n-words such as `nessuno'. I am very grateful to everybody who replied: Maria Aloni, Pier Marco Bertinetto, Grazia Busa, Nicola Cancedda, Dominico Lembo, Nicola Mastidoro, Paola Monachesi, Maurizio Tirassa and Nino Vessella. Here are the original examples and the summary of the judgements (I will forward the original answers on request): >I Which readings do you get (not necessarily with neutral > intonation; if it is not neutral, please, indicate it): > >(1) Voleva sapere se nessuno ha / aveva telefonato. > >`She wanted to know whether anybody had phoned.' >`She wanted to know whether nobody had phoned.' All speakers (with one exception) get the first reading, and almost all of them get the second reading, at least when `nessuno' is stressed or `veramente' added to the embedded clause. >(2) Voleva sapere se ha telefonato nessuno. > >`She wanted to know whether anybody had phoned.' >`She wanted to know whether nobody had phoned.' Most speakers get only the first reading, although two of them get the second with `veramente'. >(3) Voleva sapere se nessuno non ha telefonato. > >`She wanted to know whether anybody hadn't phoned.' >`She wanted to know whether it is the case that nobody hadn't phoned.' >(i.e., everybody phoned) >(4) Voleva sapere se non ha telefonato nessuno. > >`She wanted to know whether anybody hadn't phoned.' >`She wanted to know whether it is the case that nobody hadn't phoned.' >(i.e., everybody phoned) Here the judgements were very unstable. Most speakers reported processing difficulties, some said that ``nobody would use either of these sentences,'' some said it was ungrammatical. (Admittedly, the translations I gave were not very clear.) As for the speakers who could process (3) and (4), the following readings were reported. Readings of (3): - the first reading of the two above (1 speaker) - the second reading of the two above (2 speakers) Readings of (4): - the first reading of the two above (1 speaker) - `She wanted to know whether nobody phoned' (4 speakers) - `She wanted to know whether anybody phoned' (4 speakers (one with reservations)) For the two last readings, there is a 1-element intesection of the sets of speakers who get them (i.e., for one speaker (4) is ambiguous). >II What is the acceptability status of the following > sentences, and what *exactly* do they mean? > >(5) Giovanni non ha dato a Tommaso una caramella, ma (solo) una >cioccolata Acceptable for all. Meaning: "Giovanni has not given Tommaso a candy, but [he has given him (only)] a chocolate". >(6) Giovanni non ha dato una caramella a nessuno, ma (solo) una >cioccolata. Judgements range from `not acceptable, no meaning' (most speakers) to acceptable with the following meaning: ``Giovanni didn't give a candy to anybody, but he gave a chocolate to somebody.'' For one speaker it may also mean ``G. did not give (him/her) a xxx at all!! He (just) gave (him/her) a yyy.'' >(7) A nessuno ha dato Giovanni una caramella, ma (solo) una >cioccolata. Those speakers who didn't accept (6), also didn't accept (7). Those who accepted (6), said that (7) meant the same, but was `somewhat literary' or `marked'. >III Do you get these ambiguities? > >(8) La presenza di nessuno potrebbe metterla in imbarazzo. > >`The presence of noone could embarass her.' > >(a) There is no x such that [the presence of x could embarass her]. >(b) [The state of there being no x such that x were present] > could embarass her. Most speakers get only (a), although two of them get both (a) and (b). (One speaker doesn't get either.) This sentence is from Longobardi 1991 (p.118, n.14) (references below), who gives it both readings. >(9) Dubito che nessuno venga. > >(a) `I doubt noone will come.' (i.e., I think somebody will come.) >(b) `I doubt someone will come.' (i.e., I think nobody will come.) Most speakers say that this is a clear case of lack of ambiguity: they get only the (a) reading. One speaker couldn't get either reading, and one said that ``(b) is certainly not the preferred reading, but I guess you can get it here''. This sentence comes from Zanuttini 1991 (p.142), who gives it both readings. REFERENCES: Longobardi, G. (1991). In defence of the correspondence hypothesis: Island effects and parasitic constructions in logical form. In J.~Huang and R.~May (Eds.), Logical Structure and Linguistic Structure, pp. 149--198. Dordrecht: Reidel. Zanuttini, R. (1991). Syntactic Properties of Sentential Negation. A Comparative Study of Romance Languages. PhD dissertation, University of Pennsylvania. Once again, thank you to all the above mentioned Italian speakers for their help. A draft of a paper making use of some of these judgements can be found here (comments welcome): http://www.sfs.nphil.uni-tuebingen.de/~adamp/Drafts/italian.ps Best regards, Adam P. - - , ADAM PRZEPIORKOWSKI Universitaet Tuebingen, GK ILS office: (+49 7071) 2972741 Seminar fuer Sprachwissenschaft home: (+49 7071) 62410 Wilhelmstr. 113 email: adampMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issuesfs.nphil.uni-tuebingen.de D-72074 Tuebingen Germany WWW: http://www.sfs.nphil.uni-tuebingen.de/~adamp/