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A few months ago I posted a summary dealing with the go+and+verb construction and similar constructions in English and other languages (LINGUIST 9-1298). The summary triggered more replies than my original query, so an update seems to be in order. The replies dealt with the following topics: (i) more on the go+and+verb construction and related constructions in English, especially the up+and+verb construction; (ii) more on V+and+V constructions in Scandinavian languages; (iii) coordinated verb constructions in Finnish; (iv) V+and+V constructions in Romance languages; (v) German infinitival complementation and (vi) coordinated verb constructions in Japanese. I have simply summarized the replies under the headings of each respective language (this message should be read as an epilog to the original summary). 1 English 1.1 The up+and+VERB construction Daniel Curry Hall <danhallMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issuechass.utoronto.ca>, Karl Reinhard <remy
hal-pc.org>, Kate McCreight Young <youngfamily
sprintmail.com>, Jean-Charles Khalifa <jck
ricky.univ-poitiers.fr>, and Nick Quaintmere <steind
kant.phil-fak.uni.duesseldorf.de> all discussed the up+and+VERB construction in English. Daniel and Jean-Charles both supplied examples from the OED, and noted that they "carry connotations of simplicity, spontaneity, and sometimes audacity," (Daniel) and have "inchoative values" (Jean-Ch.), which makes the construction very similar to the Polish take+and+VERB construction mentioned in the first summary: (1) The Italian up and told him all (2) Suddenly the division up and marches to Aldershot Daniel and Karl both pointed out that the 'up' can also be inflected for tense ('He upped and left her'), which means that it must be a verb (in fact the OED lists the construction twice, once with 'up' as a preposition, once with 'up' as a verb). Kate pointed out the possible semantic connections of the up+and+VERB construction to other uses of 'up': "Perhaps the 'up' here is directional, as in 'get up and go' or perhaps it has to do with aspect/completion, as in 'eat up your dinner'." Daniel notes that, although 'up' is "no longer commonly used as a verb in the sense of 'rise,' it can still mean 'raise' as in 'They've upped the ante.' 1.2 Intonation and the go+and+VERB construction Suzette Haden Elgin <ocls
ipa.net> called attention to the fact that intonation plays a crucial role in the interpretation of go+and+VERB constructions, "especially with regard to whether they are neutral or pejorative," which she takes to be "the essential distinction". She gives the following examples: (3) a. Why did you go and pick up pizza? b. WHY did you go and pick up pizza? c. Oh, go and pick up PIZza, for heaven's sake! Suzette points out that example (3a) is likely to be interpreted as a neutral request for information, and the 'go' will be interpreted literally. Example (3b) will receive quite a different interpretation, although it differs from (3a) only in intonation and the rhythm of the go+and+verb construction (i.e., the 'and' is reduced). Because of the heavy stress on the WHY, the utterance is likely to be interpreted as an accusation, and hence the go+and+VERB sequence will be taken to express that the speaker thinks it was stupid to get pizza (one of the non-literal meanings mentioned in the dictionary definitions I quoted in the original summary. Example (3c) also encourages a pejorative reading, but not in the same way as in (3b): according to Suzette, "the most probable reading of (3c) is that someone has been going on and on and on about not knowing what to fix for dinner, or not knowing how to help with preparation for a party, or some such thing, and has exhausted the patience of his or her spouse -- who then says, 'Oh, go and get PIZZA, for heaven's sakes!'." It seems to me that both (3b) and (3c) are examples of how intonational cues not directly related to the go+and+verb construction can influence its interpretation. For example, the heavy stress on WHY in (3b) would turn any interrogative sentence into an accusation, and the go+and+VERB sequence simply picks up on this negative reading. The role of intonation is certainly an interesting issue, since it seems to be one of the factors which help to disambiguate a given example of the go+and+VERB construction. In addition to intonation there seem to be other subtle contextual, lexical, and even morphological factors, which I have only just started to work out--for example, a pejorative interpretation seems to be much more likely if the expression is in the past perfect. 2 Scandinavian languages 2.1 Swedish Jan Lindstrom <jklindst
ling.helsinki.fi>, who supplied the Swedish data discussed in the last summary, noted that the 'unexpectedness' reading mentioned in connection with the English go+and+verb construction seems to be the "common denominator" for the different uses of the Swedish construction as well. He also noted that because the V+and+V constructions are typical of colloquial Swedish,"some uses have in fact been regarded as bad language," and names Wellander (1965) as an example. Finally, he mentioned Hulden (1961), which deals with "a wide variety of coordinated expressions in the language of the Swedish national poet Carl Michael Bellmann." Kim Blewett <Steve_Blewett
sil.org> also noted an interesting fact: "Minnesotan English, heavily influenced by Swedish and Norwegian, is full of such expressions." Gunlog Josefsson <Gunlog.Josefsson
nordlund.lu.se> drew my attention to her paper 'Pseudocoordination - a VP + VP coordination' (Josefsson 1991), which contains a detailed description of the Scandinavian construction and also briefly discusses V+and+V constructions (or their absence) in Icelandic, German, English, and French. She also noted a mistake on my part in the reference to Wiklund (1996), which appears in its correct form in the references section of this summary. 2.2 Danish Soren Harder <sharder
ling.hum.aau.dk> noted that Danish has construction which is equivalent to non-aspectual uses of the Swedish construction (examples (15-17) in the original summary): (4) Lad os gaa hen og danse i aften Let us go over and dance tonight (5) Han var gaaet hen og havde gifted sig He had gone over and had married REFL (6) At drengen skulle gaa hen og do saa tidligt That the boy should go over and die so young Thus, in addition to the gaa+og+VERB construction which expresses Danish uses the construction gaa-hen+og+VERB to express either literal movement (4), or an 'unexpectedness/undesirability' meaning (5 and 6). In the former, but not in the latter, the expressions gaa+ned+og+VERB (go down and...) or gaa+op+og+VERB (go up and...) can also be used. 3 Finnish Jan Lindstrom <jklindst
tuuri.ling.helsinki.fi> also mentioned a construction in Finnish, which also seems to carry connotations of undesirability or unexpectedness: (7) Mita" sina" olet mennyt tekema"a"n?! 'What have you gone to-do(ing)' (8) Olet mennyt nolaaman itesi! 'You have gone and made a fool of yourself' Jan notes that this is "in principle a construction like 'gone and done/made,' but Finnish does not usually use coordination here but a combination of an active verb (OLET MENNYT 'have gone') and an infinitive in an appropriate locative case form." It would be interesting to know whether this construction developed independently in Finnish and the Scandinavian languages, or whether it spread through areal contact. 4 Romance languages 4.1 The go+and+VERB construction in Spanish Ignasi Adiego <adiego
lingua.fil.ub.es> and Jose Camacho <jcamacho
rci.rutgers.edu> both noted that the go+and+VERB construction can also be found in Spanish: (9) a. El chico va y se cae The boy goes and REFL falls b. *Pedro no va y se cae Pedro not goes and REFL falls c. Pedro va y no se cae Pedro goes and not REFL falls Ignasi characterized the meaning of (9a) as "just/precisely then...," pointing out that the construction is in this respect similar to Polish take+and+VERB and certain uses of English go+and+VERB. Jose drew attention to certain syntactic restrictions on the construction which indicate "that the coordination involves projections above the sentential level; in particular, the GO part cannot be negated," as examples (9b, c) show. He notes that "if the conjunction involves a projection above negation (or at the level of negation), these facts can be explained." Jose has a forthcoming paper on the Spanish construction (Arnaiz and Camacho, to appear). 4.2 Verb+Infinitive in Spanish John Ramsay <johnrams
enoreo.on.ca> pointed out that a number of Spanish verbs take the bare infinitive, and suggests that a comparative study of Spanish and English might be interesting (cf. in this context German infinitival complementation in Section 5 below). 4.3 VERB+and+VERB constructions in Italian Andrea Sanso <sanso
ling.unipi.it> supplied examples of two VERB+and+VERB constructions from southern Italian dialects (and gives Rohlfs 1954 as a reference). First, the construction stare+a+VERB ('stay+and+VERB') is used in the present tense or the imperfect to express "something close to (but not coincident with) the English progressive": (10) a. Ce ston a 'ffachene (Ceglie Messapico, LE) What stay.3pl and do.3pl 'What are they doing' b. Sto ffazo (Ostuni, BR) Stay.1sg do 'I'm doing...' c. Sta mmangia'ne (Neviano, LE) Stay.3sg ate.3pl Andrea notes that there is a cline of grammaticalization in these examples: in (10b) "the only trace of 'a' is the redoublement of the first syllable of the second verb," and in (10c) the first verb always appears in the 3rd person singular. Second, the take+and+VERB construction discussed in the first summary can be found with an inchoative meaning in the dialects of Soverato, Lecce, Sicily, and Ragusa. In the dialect of Ragusa, 'take' does not have a full inflectional paradigm in such constructions, but is always used in the 3rd person singular. 5 German Philippa Cook <cook
zas.gwz-berlin.de> brought to my attention invinitival compementation construction in German which despite some fundamental differences is certainly similar to some of the other constructions discussed in the summary. She is interested in comments on this construction, so I'll quote the relevant part of her message in full: Did anyone supply any comments about bare infinitival complementation (so no 'and' present) in German with verbs such as 'sitzen/liegen/ hngen + bleiben' = 'sit/lie/hang + stay 'or with motion verbs e.g. 'schwimmen + gehen/fahren', 'besuchen + kommen' and similar ? Or in fact any data on Modern German ? It's the use of verbs bleiben (stay), gehen (go), fahren (go), finden (find), machen (make) with a following bare infinitive which interest me in particular. 6 Japanese Finally, I asked for refereces concerning the Japanese coordinated verb construction. Megumi Eddison <Megumi.Eddison
anu.edu.au> supplied me with the complete list of references from her recent MA thesis on this subject (Eddison 1997). I have only included the two most recent English publications here (Hamada 1989, Hasegawa 1993). References ARNAIZ, Alfredo, CAMACHO, Jose. To appear. 'A topic auxiliary in Spanish.' In F. Martinez-Gil and J Gutierrez-Reixach (eds.), Advances in Hispanic Linguistics. Somerville, MA: Cascadilla Press. EDDISON, Megumi. 1997. The use of IKU ('go') and KURU ('come') as auxiliaries in Japanese. MA sub-thesis. Asian Studies, Australian National University, Canberra. HAMADA, M. 1989. 'Iku/kuru and -te-iku/-te-kuru in Japanese.' Sophia Linguistica 27, 47-56. HASEGAWA, Y. 1993. 'Prototype semantics: A case study of TE K-/IK-constructions in Japanese.' Language & Communication 13.1: 45-65. HULDEN, Lars. 1961. 'Om samordning hos Bellman.' Studier i Nordisk Filologi 51. Helsingfors: Svenska Litteratursallskapet, pp. 7-149. JOSEFSSON, Gunlog. 1991. 'Pseudocoordination - a VP + VP coordination.' Working Papers in Scandinavian Syntax 47. Dept. of Scandinavian Languages, University of Lund, 130-156. ROHLFS, G. 1954. Historische Grammatik der Italienischen Sprache und ihrer Mundarten [A historical grammar of the Italian language and its dialects]. Bern: Francke. WELLANDER, Erik Ludvig. 1965. Riktig svenska: en handledning i svenska sprakets vard. Third edition. Stockholm: Norstedt. WIKLUND, Anna-Lena. 1996. 'Pseudocoordination is subordination.' Working Papers in Scandinavian Syntax 58. Dept. of Scandinavian Languages, University of Lund, 29-53. Acknowledgements: Thanks to all of you mentioned above, who--again--replied in so much detail! Thanks also to those whose suggestions I have not yet followed up. Author's address: Anatol Stefanowitsch Rice University Dept. of Linguistics - MS 23 6100 Main Street Houston, Texas 77005-1892 email: anatol
rice.edu