Editor for this issue: Martin Jacobsen <marty
linguistlist.org>
Because this contribution started out as an answer to Dan Maxwell's remarks to my earlier contribution, I originally intended to send it to him personally. But then, as the answer became more complex and touched upon more general points, I thought that it should be turned into a discussion contribution, particularly since others may have misunderstood my remarks in a similar manner. My argument concerning algorithmic descriptions of language (grammars) turned on two points: First, there is ample evidence from psychology that we don't "think algorithmically"; that is, that our thought processes in e.g., problem solving, general storage and retrieval of information, etc, seem to function by constructing models of the aspect(s) of reality we are trying to understand, remember, etc. The construction of these models is not algorithmical, as this term is generally used and understood, because it depends heavily upon each individual's past experiences, goals, grasp of the particular situation, etc. Therefore, we cannot generally describe processes in the mind/brain using algorithms. This is not to say, by the way, that no brain processes can be described using algorithms; a number of them have, in fact, been so described! At the same time, thought processes entailed in e.g., problem solving (including analyzing and understanding sentences) cannot be described using algorithms. Second, the question of how our mind/brain deals with language can be answered in one of two ways: Either we argue that language is dealt with the same as any other mind/brain process, or we argue that it is not. In the first case, any grammar (including syntax) that aims for psychological (neurological) reality should not be algorithmical, since the mind/brain does not operate like this (cf., above). In the second case, you have to argue that we deal with language in a way that is altogether different from that in which we deal with other mental processes. If you want to argue this way, you must assume a strong position of modularity; e.g., the one proposed by Fodor. There is, however, no evidence for this strong position: Neither from an evolutionary viewpoint nor from a neurological one. That is, what evidence we do have points strongly in the direction that our mind/brain does not deal with language in a separate module that is self-contained and inaccessible to other modules, and which analyses incoming signals (i.e., speech) "from the bottom up" and without having access to other information. On the contrary, there is much evidence that we use all sorts of information and much processing "from the top down", when decoding (trying to understand) any incoming information, including language. (The question here gets quite technical, inasmuch as there is disagreement as to just what is meant by "self-contained and inaccessable", and how far into the so-called higher processes of the mind/brain this inaccessability goes, for there is general agreement that these "higher processes" are not strongly modular.) What makes this matter even more complex is the fact that the brain is what one might call "generally modular" in that, generally speaking, certain types of incoming information ARE processed in certain areas of the brain; thus e.g., visual signals in the visual cortex, language in Broca's and Wernicke's areas, etc. However, strong modularity of a Fodorian type, if it is based on what I've called "neurological reality", must assume, because the modules are said to be self contained and impenetrable to outside information, that it is only given areas of the brain that are used in processing given signals or information. And this is not the case. The discussions concerning modularity therefore often turn on questions of what one considers "higher mental processes" (cf., above). Two final remarks. First, I did not say (nor did I ever think!) that neural networks cannot serve as models for the mind/brain. On the contrary, I have held, taught, and written that they can so serve (with the fairly strong reservation that they are vastly oversimplified compared with real brains). Second, no-one, certainly not ten Hacken or I, has claimed that psychologically realistic analyses don't have to describe the data. Way back in 1963, Chomsky made a point about the various levels of adequacy of a linguistic description or analysis. These were "observational" (describing the data), "descriptive" (accounting for linguistic speaker intuition and capture significant generalizations of the language), and "explanatory" adequacy (explaining the linguistic intuition, allowing a choice between competing descriptions). Only in the last case one can speak of a lingistic theory. Such a theory has to account for language acquisition, psychological reality / speaker intuition (sic), language universals, etc. It does, of course, have to describe the data. Now, as I read ten Hacken's remarks, and as I intended mine to be read, this kind of "adequacy" is what we ought to aim for, regardless of whether it is as formalistic as that proposed by Bralich or other computer inspired analyses, or less formalistic, as e.g., constructivist grammars. In fact, if what I've said about the mind/brain is correct, then formalistic/algorithmic analyses of language are not likely to be explanatorily adequate, because these analyses disregard some of important aspects of the mind/brain. I hope this clarifies matters somewhat. PeterMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue
I am not sure whether this idea has been mentioned, since I have not followed the discussion as closely as I should have. Anyway, the idea, which any number of people have done work on (and which was one of the basic ideas I had when I coined the term 'mathematics of language' in contrast to mere computational or mathematical linguistics) is that computational tools be used to help test ANY aspect of linguistic theory. In other words, if somebody's idea of ling theory is a theory of universals or of acquisition or of language change or what have you, then THAT is what you implement in a suitable computer language and test on your favorite computer. A parser can be used to test a very small (though pace some who have written here in response to Dr. Bralich, I think a nonempty) part of linguistic theory only. So I really do not see what the problem is: by all means let us use whatever information parsing work provides us with in improving linguistic theories, but let us by no means mistake the part for the whole. Alexis MRMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue