Editor for this issue: Martin Jacobsen <marty
linguistlist.org>
I have been told in the past that there is a difference between the approach to comparative language studies in Europe (where, as I understand it, it's called "philology") and the approach in the U.S. (where the discipline is known as "linguistics"). Apparently this is not just a matter of terminology, and the disciplines really do take divergent paths. Can anyone elucidate for me what these differences are and how they would be reflected in courses of study leading to a degree? There was some discussion years ago that I found in the archives, but it was not specific enough to help those of us linguists?/philologists? who are mere amateurs.Mail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue
Does anybody know a language in which: (1) aspectual-markers (e.g., accomplishment, activity, achievement, state) are overtly "stacked" on top of the other: For example: (an imaginary language): [what's within ( ) is the would-be meaning of the sentence in this language. what's within ** is the verb]: verb stem : [LIVE]: state: John *[LIVE]-morphme1* (= John is alive) achievement: John *[LIVE]-morphme1- morphme2* at 12: 05. (= John came to be alive at 12: 05 ) activity: John *[LIVE]-morphme1-morphme2-morphme3* a long life for 110 years (= John did the act of living for 110 years , where John is not construed as Experiencer, but construed as Agent) accomplishment: John *[LIVE]-morphme1-morphme2-morphme3-morphme4* Mary in 30 minutes (= John caused Mary to come to be alive in 30 minutes ), where [ ] is the verb stem; "morphme1" expresses "state"; morpheme2, "achievement"; morphme3, "activity", and ; morphme4, "accomplishment". and/or, (2) adverbs agree overtly with (some of) these morphemes, as in: For example: [in the example (1) above] : achievement: John *[LIVE]-morphme1- morphme2- AGREEMENTi * happily-AGREEMENTi (= John come to be alive happily , where the adverb "happily" is predicated of "come to be alive", not of "be alive") Another example: [in the example (1) above]: accomplishment: John *[LIVE]-morphme1-morphme2-AGREEMENTi-morphme3- morphme4* Mary happily-AGREEMENTi in 30 minutes (= John caused Mary to happily come to be alive in 30 minutes , where the adverb "happily" describes "how Mary came to be alive when John caused Mary to come to be alive", not "how John caused Mary to come to be alive") I would GREATLY appreciate any information on this topic, or correspondence from those who are interested in this topic, and gladly post the summary of all the information I receive. Thank you. Sincerely, Nobue Mori nobueMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issuewam.umd.edu c/o Linguistics Department University of Maryland College Park, MD 20740 USA
I've had many useful responses to my query about the possibility/impossibility of sentences such as "Oil was spilled" and "It was spilled" in human languages. My ultimate goal has been to find a language that does *not* allow such constructions in any form, including the various "Oil-spilling happened" constructions -- that is, a language in which lexicalization of the agent is obligatory if the patient is lexicalized. It would be pleasant to be able to say that no such language exists (and that might be the quickest and most efficient way to flush out the counterexample or counterexamples) but I would prefer to wait a little longer. If anyone knows of a language the grammar of which forbids "deniability" to agent nominals -- even if only in the sense that the agent slot must be filled by some sort of pronominal element -- please notify me directly. As soon as I feel certain that no more responses are coming in, I'll post a summary. Suzette Haden Elgin oclsMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issueipa.net
Dear all, I am posting this message on behalf of a friend who is not on the list - please reply directly to her address, which is given below. - ---- I am looking for studies of mass nouns in (British & American) English, especially the use of mass nouns as collective nouns in colloquial English. Also, any information pertaining to lists of English mass/non-count nouns both in print and on the web would be greatly appreciated. Please would you e-mail me at: vlcg89aMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issueprodigy.com Thank you. Julie M. M. University of Minnesota