In Dutch dialects, verbs and complementizers can bear different
morphological affixes depending on which nominal element they agree with in
their local syntactic domain. For instance, in a dialect such as Tegelen
Dutch, the complementizer agrees with the first conjunct of a coordinated
subject, while in Lapscheure Dutch, the complementizer agrees with the
coordinated subject as a whole.
Using a vast array of new data on complementizer agreement, first conjunct
agreement, agreement with pronouns, verbal agreement and subject doubling
in Dutch dialects, this study argues that the interplay between syntax and
morphology is more intricate than has hitherto been assumed. More
precisely, it is shown that the syntactic component determines which local
nominal elements qualify for agreement with the verb or complementizer. The
morphological component subsequently chooses which one of these nominal
elements defines the affix on the verb or complementizer, depending on the
specificity of the affix.
The analysis is extended to similar syntactic contexts in typologically
different languages such as Irish, Hebrew, Finnish, Tsez and Arabic.
This thesis is of relevance to anyone interested in the relation between
syntax and morphology, the study of agreement, the copy theory of movement,
coordination, the internal structure of pronouns, or in the study of Dutch