It was about one and a half years ago that I finally I arrived where I had always wanted to be and do what I had always wanted-- teach students, support small language communities and conduct research on African languages on my doorstep. The University of Cape Town and my new colleagues welcomed my efforts to establish the Centre for African Language Diversity-- CALDi as well as The African Language Archive-- TALA and I was recently appointed the Mellon Research Chair: African Language Diversity this initiative. The main aim of CALDi is to train young African scholars in descriptive linguistics and open up space for research into African languages at UCT with the hopes of countering the dominance of African linguistics outside the continent. It has been a great challenge for which my whole career has been a form of preparation...Read more
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In this project we examine the DP-internal behavior of degree operators contained in attributive extended APs, specifically degree fronting (so sunny a day) and degree right extraposition (a day sunny enough). We argue that both processes have to do with the scope of the degree operator, namely, that degree fronting is a diagnostic of clausal scope of the degree operator, while right extraposition is overt R to the DP-internal landing site where a quantifier can be interpreted. We first show that pre-determiner APs in Germanic languages (so sunny a day) are moved to [Spec, NumP] only if they contain a degree operator, i.e. an element that cannot be interpreted in situ. We will then show that the appearance of the adjectival projection in that position is due to pied-piping, and that different degree operators behave differently with respect to how much material is moved overtly (pied-piping). We then turn to right extraposition. We will show that it can be differentiated from other cases traditionally denoted by the same term (e.g. a professor proud of her children). On the other hand, it has certain properties permitting to assimilate it to DP-extraposition to the right periphery of the vP (Heavy NP Shift) • it has new information status and permits stranding of the argument of the degree operator (a more interesting problem than this). These and similar factors suggest that right extraposition of degree-containing extended APs is overt R of the degree operator accompanied by more or less pied-piping. The overall picture seems to be that R an overt movement processes examined for clausal projections exist in nominal projections as well and have similar properties.