This book explores the syntactic and semantic properties of movement and
adjunction in natural language. A precise formulation of minimalist syntax is
proposed, guided by an independently motivated hypothesis about the
composition of neo-Davidsonian logical forms, in which there is no atomic
movement operation and no atomic adjunction operation. The terms 'movement'
and 'adjunction' serve only as convenient labels for certain combinations of
other, primitive operations, and as a result the system derives non-trivial
predictions about how movement and adjunction should interact; in particular, it
yields natural explanatory accounts of the constituency of adjunction structures,
the possibility of counter-cyclic attachment, and the prohibitions on extraction
from adjoined domains (adjunct islands) and from moved domains (freezing
effects). This work serves as a case study in deriving explanations for syntactic
patterns from a restrictive theory of semantic composition, and in using an
explicit grammatical framework to inform rigourous minimalist theorising.