This dissertation investigates children’s acquisition of the restrictions on quantifier scope interaction which apply in double-object constructions. It mainly focuses on a specific non-targetlike performance pattern that children display under experimental conditions, a performance pattern which we name ‘the Reverse-pattern’. This study presents a systematic experimental investigation into a variety of (lexical) factors which are hypothesized to cause the Reverse-pattern. We will show that children’s non-targetlike performance is in fact restricted to sentences containing distributive universal quantifiers and will subsequently present an account which attributes children’s non-targetlike performance to the specific verification strategies that children employ to evaluate sentences containing distributive universal quantifiers. This dissertation should be of interest to anyone working in the field of language acquisition, the semantics and syntax of quantification, language processing and pragmatics.