* * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * *
LINGUIST List logo Eastern Michigan University Wayne State University *
* People & Organizations * Jobs * Calls & Conferences * Publications * Language Resources * Text & Computer Tools * Teaching & Learning * Mailing Lists * Search *
* *
 
E-mail this message to a friend
Title: Movement of Degree/Degree of Movement
Author: Ora Matushansky
Email: click here to access email
Homepage: http://mapage.noos.fr/matushansky/
Degree Awarded: Massachusetts Institute of Technology , Department of Linguistics and Philosophy
Degree Date: 2002
Linguistic Subfield(s): Syntax
Language Family(ies): Germanic
Director(s): Noam Chomsky

Abstract:

In this project we examine the DP-internal behavior of degree operators contained in attributive extended APs, specifically degree fronting (so sunny a day) and degree right extraposition (a day sunny enough). We argue that both processes have to do with the scope of the degree operator, namely, that degree fronting is a diagnostic of clausal scope of the degree operator, while right extraposition is overt QR to the DP-internal landing site where a quantifier can be interpreted.

We first show that pre-determiner APs in Germanic languages (so sunny a day) are moved to [Spec, NumP] only if they contain a degree operator, i.e. an element that cannot be interpreted in situ. We will then show that the appearance of the adjectival projection in that position is due to pied-piping, and that different degree operators behave differently with respect to how much material is moved overtly (pied-piping).

We then turn to right extraposition. We will show that it can be differentiated from other cases traditionally denoted by the same term (e.g. a professor proud of her children). On the other hand, it has certain properties permitting to assimilate it to DP-extraposition to the right periphery of the vP (Heavy NP Shift) ^Ö it has new information status and permits stranding of the argument of the degree operator (a more interesting problem than this). These and similar factors suggest that right extraposition of degree-containing extended APs is overt QR of the degree operator accompanied by more or less pied-piping.

The overall picture seems to be that QR an overt movement processes examined for clausal projections exist in nominal projections as well and have similar properties.
Add a dissertation
Update dissertation
Page Updated: 29-Nov-2009

Please report any bad links or misclassified data

LINGUIST Homepage | Read LINGUIST | Contact us

NSF Logo

While the LINGUIST List makes every effort to ensure the linguistic relevance of sites listed
on its pages, it cannot vouch for their contents.