Review of Language Variation and Change in the American Midland
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Review:
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EDITORS: Thomas E. Murray, Beth Lee Simon TITLE: Language Variation and Change in the American Midland SUBTITLE: A New Look at 'Heartland' English SERIES TITLE: Varieties of English Around the World PUBLISHER: John Benjamins YEAR: 2006
Reviewer: Lamont D. Antieau, University of Georgia
While many language variationists have accepted the idea that there is a Midland dialect of American English, relatively little has been published on the speech of the Midland region. In his edited volume ''HEARTLAND'' ENGLISH: VARIATION AND TRANSITION IN THE MIDWEST (1993), Timothy Frazer sought to address this lack by presenting a variety of research that was being done in the area, which in turn encouraged further research on Midland English. Thomas Murray and Beth Simon's edited volume, LANGUAGE VARIATION AND CHANGE IN THE AMERICAN MIDLAND: A NEW LOOK AT 'HEARTLAND' ENGLISH (2006), is a volume comprising current scholarship on language variation in the American heartland.
SUMMARY
The volume includes 15 articles in four sections plus an introductory section that comprises two papers by the editors. In ''Introducing the Midland: What Is It, Where Is It, How Do We Know?'' Simon discusses problems and challenges that scholars face with respect to the concept of regionality and its application to the Midland region of the United States. In ''What Is Dialect? Revisiting the Midland,'' Murray and Simon review the literature on Midland English, including some of the controversy surrounding the existence of the region, while making their own position quite clear: ''What we argue in this chapter (and by virtue of presenting this volume) is that Midland dialect does, in fact, exist'' (2). Murray and Simon use several sources to compile a list of 17 grammatical variants that the results of American dialectology have typically associated with the Midland region. Their claim is not that this evidence provides the final word on the subject of whether there is a Midland dialect, but ''to spur attention, theorizing, and especially, new research using contemporary methodologies for data collection and analysis'' (28).
Part One of the volume, entitled ''The Evolving Midland,'' comprises three papers that focus on several aspects on language variation in the region, but especially focus on variation in the vowels of Midland English. In ''The North American Midland as a Dialect Area,'' Sharon Ash presents data collected by the Telsur project to make the argument that ''[t]he Midland is a dialect region, positively defined by a variety of phonological, lexical, and syntactic features'' (55). Ash finds evidence of a clear North-Midland boundary reflecting an early settlement route established 200 years ago and a fuzzier border between the Midland and the South that corresponds to an array of routes and streams available to early settlers traveling along the southern route. While Ash finds some variability among Midland cities, she also finds they have much in common linguistically, especially at the geographic core of the region.
In ''Tracking the Low Back Merger in Missouri,'' Matthew J. Gordon discusses the geographic and social distribution of the low back merger in a place that ''has long been known as a dialectological crossroads where the South meets North or rather the South Midland meets the North Midland'' (57). Using a questionnaire distributed throughout the Show Me State to elicit the reaction of informants as to whether the vowels in such minimal pairs as ''don'' and ''dawn'' are the same, close, or different, Gordon finds the low back merger to be an active variable throughout much of Missouri despite some resistance to the linguistic phenomenon in St. Louis and its outlying areas. Testing the results of the questionnaire against the social variables of region, age, and sex, Gordon finds evidence that the merger is more pronounced among younger informants, suggesting that it is a change in progress.
In ''Evidence from Ohio on the Evolution of /Q/,'' Erik R. Thomas examines the distribution of the variable /Q/ in Ohio English by conducting acoustic analyses on Ohioans readings of ''Arthur the Rat'' that were recorded for the Dictionary of American Regional English from 1967 to 1970. Thomas finds evidence of a long-standing difference in Ohio between Northern and Midland realizations of /Q/ and proposes that these differences are probably the result of dialectal variation among early settlers of the region. Thomas contends that the patterns of /Q/ found in older Ohio records not only account for variation in Ohio today but can also be used to deduce what the source dialects of Ohio were like.
The second section of the volume is entitled ''Defining the Midland'' and comprises four papers. In ''On the Use of Geographic Names to Inform Regional Language Studies,'' Edward Callary calls for linguistic geographers and toponymists to work together toward an understanding of dialectal variation and shows how recent advancements in computing have made onomastic research relatively easy to conduct. Callary's research on the use of such dialectal words as ''branch,'' ''fork,'' and ''corners'' in place names proves to be problematic for the idea of a Midland dialect, as their areal distribution suggests a wide range of Southern influence that leaves little room for a Midland region.
Thomas S. Donahue's article ''On the Eastern Edge of the Heartland: Two Industrial City Dialects'' compares the dialects of Youngstown, Ohio, and Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. Donahue finds that the two cities share many dialectal variants, owing at least in part to similar populations that consisted of Ulster Scots, German, and immigrant factory workers that came from eastern and southern Europe, but he also notes a number of differences, particularly in vowel mergers and contrasts, as well as in the lexicon. Because he is interested in how urban dialects emerge, Donahue presents several explanations for this phenomenon, including those offered by conflict theory, dialectology, and sociology of language. Donahue maintains that dialects of the 21st century have been shaped less by settlement patterns and population movements than by the division of labor within a community.
In ''The Final Days of Appalachian Heritage Language,'' Kirk Hazen describes West Virginia speech as a good example of language use in Midland Appalachia, and a variety that provides clear division between Northern and Southern features in a single state. Hazen predicts that while the older dialect spoken in the area, or ''Appalachian Heritage Language,'' will eventually be transformed, the speech of the region will continued to be distinct from other areas of the United States, not through linguistic features unique to the area, but through a distinct configuration of these features within the region.
In the article ''It'll Kill Ye or Cure Ye, One: The History and Function of Alternative One,'' Michael Montgomery examines the use of ''one'' as an indefinite pronoun in sentences of the form ''He was in Tennessee or Kentucky, one'' (153). Montgomery presents historical evidence suggesting that alternative ''one'' was an Americanism that developed in the Midland dialect region during the early 19th century and spread southward. Montgomery also presents the results of questionnaires that were designed to elicit acceptability judgments on the use of alternative ''one'' from students at the University of South Carolina. While there are difficulties relating this grammatical structure to other grammatical structures in American English, Montgomery contends that study of features like alternative ''one'' may shed light on how dialect grammar evolves.
The third section of the book is entitled ''Power and Perception'' and comprises four papers. In ''Standardizing the Heartland,'' Richard W. Bailey examines attitudes about Heartland English that originated when eastern grammatical preferences were imposed on the Midland region via textbook publishers in Boston, New York, and Cincinnati. Bailey finds that over time Midwesterners adopted not only the grammatical preferences of eastern publishers but their attitudes toward language variation as well.
In the article ''How to Get to Be One Kind of Midwesterner: Accommodation to the Northern Cities Chain Shift,'' Betsy E. Evans, Rika Ito, Jamila Jones, and Dennis R. Preston examine accommodation among three communities of Michiganders: Appalachians in Ypsilanti, African-Americans in Lansing, and a group of rural mid-Michiganders in the town of Clare. By analyzing the results of acoustic analysis of the vowels of their informants, as well as several social factors, including networks, Evans et al. find that the three groups have accommodated to urban speech norms at different rates and offer several reasons for these differences.
In ''Midland(s) Dialect Geography: Social and Demographic Variables,'' Timothy Frazer makes the argument not only for the existence of a Midland but several Midlands. Frazer points out that labels like Midland and Northern are explanatory in nature rather than the names of real entities, but he also admits that the explanatory fiction of the Midland region holds immense value for himself and other scholars of American English.
In the chapter ''Drawing out the /ai/: Dialect Boundaries and /ai/ Variation,'' Cynthia Bernstein argues that variants of /ai/ and attitudes about its use are important features that not only distinguish Northern and Southern dialects of American English, but also distinguish South from South Midland and South Midland from North Midland, as well as a variety of social groups. Conflicting attitudes about the variant partially reflect ''that what is often lumped together as a 'southern dialect' comprises many social and regional speech communities'' (209).
The final section of the book is entitled ''Other Languages, Other Places'' and it comprises four papers. In ''Learning Spanish in the North Georgia Mountains,'' Ellen Johnson and David Boyle examine the sociolinguistic situation in Dalton, Georgia, a textile town in the Appalachians that has undergone recent growth in its Hispanic population. Unlike many other studies that have focused only on non-native speakers learning English, Johnson and Boyle's study examines the mutual influence that speakers of Spanish and English have had on one another, and the authors predict that a Hispanic-associated variety of English is certain to emerge in Dalton and other similar environments.
In the article ''The Midland above the Midland: Dialect Variation by Region, Sex, and Social Group in the Linguistic Atlas of the Upper Midwest,'' Michael D. Linn and Ronald Regal apply statistics to LAUM data primarily in order to test whether the differences between Northern and Midland dialects in the upper Midwest are qualitative or if they are the products of a combination of features. Testing LAUM lexical, phonological and syntactic data, Linn and Regal find that regional patterns do exist in the data, especially with respect to lexical forms, but that the choice of grammatical forms is more of a product of social type and sex than region.
In ''Portable Community: The Linguistic and Psychological Reality of Midwestern Pennsylvania German,'' Steven Hartman Keiser examines regional variation in Deitsch and finds a great deal of heterogeneity in the small area where it is spoken in Pennsylvania, while finding a relative degree of homogeneity in the variety that is used in several of the Deitsch speech islands in the Midland area outside of Pennsylvania. Keiser contends that this homogeneity is the result of the ''portable community'' in which these speakers live, as the people who speak the language have never stopped moving. Using a perceptual study, Keiser also shows that speakers of Deitsch recognize the difference between varieties of the language spoken in Pennsylvania and the variety spoken outside of the state.
In the final chapter in the book, ''The English of the Swiss Amish of Northeastern Indiana,'' Chad Thompson examines the use of English by German-speaking Amish in Allen County, Indiana, and describes the attitudes that Amish and non-Amish have toward the variety. Thompson finds that English is no longer used by the Amish only to communicate with local English speakers, but it is being used more for the Amish to communicate among themselves. Thompson also notes that the English used by the Amish and the varieties used in surrounding areas are becoming more distinct, possibly due to younger women using English in the home but rarely having a chance to use it outside the community.
EVALUATION
In LANGUAGE VARIATION AND CHANGE IN THE AMERICAN MIDLAND, Murray and Simon have compiled a volume that does many things well. Most importantly, the articles use a variety of approaches to cover a wide range of issues in Midland English. The articles are relatively consistent in attending to an audience comprising specialized scholars as well as a more general readership, and plenty of visuals as far as maps, tables, and figures are provided in the book to illuminate some of the findings. While most of the studies in the volume either assume or set out to prove the existence of a Midland dialect, the volume does not totally shy away from the Midland controversy, as it is given some attention in the introductory material and some of the studies do present findings that question the existence of the Midland dialect, resulting in a more well-rounded volume than if they had ignored the controversy altogether.
Problems with the volume are few and are generally confined to what they did not include as opposed to what they did. It might be helpful, for instance, if the editors had discussed why they selected these papers for the volume and why they categorized them as they did, either in the introductory material or in an introduction to each section. For example, it would be interesting to know how Murray and Simon thought the articles in the fourth section related to the subject of variation in Midland English, what influence languages like Spanish and Deitsch had on either Midland English or the Midland region, and how this compared to their influence elsewhere. This is a small matter, however, and certainly not one that takes much away from the greater accomplishments of the volume.
With respect to individual papers, there is also far more to commend than to criticize, and again the problems are typically more a matter of what was not included rather than what was. For instance, more explanation is needed to understand the characterizations of variants as ''yes,'' ''mostly present,'' ''mostly absent,'' and ''no'' in Table 2 of Ash's paper (although the collapsing of these categories later in the paper means that this is not a problem in the final analysis). Despite some minor problems, however, all the papers in this volume are generally well-written and interesting.
LANGUAGE VARIATION AND CHANGE IN THE AMERICAN MIDLAND serves as a considerable contribution to the growing body of literature on Midland English and, secondarily, is a worthy successor to Fraser's ''HEARTLAND'' ENGLISH. The volume is a must-read book for anyone interested in the state of Midland English in the 21st century.
REFERENCES
Frazer, Timothy, ed. (1993). ''Heartland'' English: Variation and Transition in the American Midwest. Tuscaloosa, AL: University of Alabama Press.
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ABOUT THE REVIEWER:
ABOUT THE REVIEWER
Lamont Antieau recently completed a dissertation on rural Colorado English
at the University of Georgia. He is currently creating a website for
presenting and disseminating data collected for the Linguistic Atlas of the
Western States, and his primary research interests are in the areas of
language and place, pragmatics, and corpus linguistics.
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