Publishing Partner: Cambridge University Press CUP Extra Publisher Login
amazon logo
More Info

New from Oxford University Press!


Oxford Handbook of Corpus Phonology

Edited by Jacques Durand, Ulrike Gut, and Gjert Kristoffersen

Offers the first detailed examination of corpus phonology and serves as a practical guide for researchers interested in compiling or using phonological corpora

New from Cambridge University Press!


The Languages of the Jews: A Sociolinguistic History

By Bernard Spolsky

A vivid commentary on Jewish survival and Jewish speech communities that will be enjoyed by the general reader, and is essential reading for students and researchers interested in the study of Middle Eastern languages, Jewish studies, and sociolinguistics.

New from Brill!


Indo-European Linguistics

New Open Access journal on Indo-European Linguistics is now available!

Summary Details

Query:   phonotactics in morphological blocking and suppletion
Author:  John Alderete
Submitter Email:  click here to access email
Linguistic LingField(s):   Morphology

Language Family:   Germanic
New English

Summary:   Dear members of the list, This message is an index and compilation of the messages I got in response to my call (Dec. 5, 2001) asking for language examples in which it appears that phonological constraints play a role in blocking morphological processes and governing suppletion (the index combines messages from my calls on both the Linguist List and the Optimal List). Thanks to all those who participated (the names of the participants are listed below in the index). You have helped to provide the larger linguistic community with a wealth of interesting examples and a better bibliography than the one I started with. Some contributors refer to their own work, available in electronic format; please use the contact information in their message to obtain this work. Finally, as this is a rather long document, without hypertext links, take note that index message headers can be found directly by using your favorite search tool: the index number #] should help identify the index message headers in the actual correspondence below since ']' is reserved from these headers. Best wishes, -John Alderete, Rutgers University ========================================================= Index for correspondence: 1] John Alderete, Original appeal for references (updated) and examples 2] Amanda Seidl, Example from Mende 3] Lee Bickmore, Example from Tahitian 4] Carson Schutze, English example: 'person from X /-er/' 5] Mike Maxwell, Examples from Tzeltal (Mayan), Shuar (Jivaroan, Ecuador), Axininca Campa (Peru), and Cubeo (Tucanoan, Colombia) 6] Wayles Browne, Example of Slavic suffix -ba 7] Jose Elias Ulloa, Example from Shipibo and Capanahua (Panoan, Peru) 8] Gail Coelho, Example from Thompson River Salish 8.1] Suzanne Urbanczyk, Reference for Salish example 9] Brett Baker, Examples from Ngalakgan and other Australian languages 10] Donca Steriade, Examples from Latin and Greek declensions 11] Armin Mester, Examples from German (diminutive -chen / lein and A->N suffix heit/keit) plus references 12] John Koontz, Example from Winnebago and discussion 13] Lisa Davidson, Example of Portuguese and Spanish diminutives 14] Yoonjung Kang, Example from Korean 15] Arto Antilla, References 16] Birgit Alber, Example from German 17] Todd Bailey, Examples from Spanish, Latin and Polish 18] Moira Yip, Examples from English and Cantonese 19] Jeremy Whistle, Discussion of English /-ful/ 20] Andrew Spencer, Reference and discussion of general topic 21] Larry Trask, Examples from English (/en-) and Basque and discussion of English /-ful/ and /-ize/ 22] John Koontz, Examples from Siouan 23] Pius ten Hacken, Explanation of morphological dictionary in Word Manager 24] Anna Thornton, Examples from Italian (several examples) 25] Katherine Crosswhite, Example of verbal -s'a/-s' in Russian 26] Ingo Plag, Reference and discussion 27] Mark Aronoff, References 28] Eric Bakovic', Example of diminutives in Spanish 29] Andrew Carstairs-McCarthy, References ========================================================= Individual messages (with repeated index messge headers): 1] John Alderete, Original appeal for references (updated) and examples Date: Wed, 5 Dec 2001 14:14:36 -0500 (EST) From: John Alderete <> To: Subject: query: subcategorization in phonology and morphology Dear friends and colleagues, I'm currently working on a cross-linguistic study of subcategorization effects in morphology and phonology, and I'd like to appeal to the members of this listserv for examples and references. I will prepare a summary of the responses of this query for future reference on the list. The basic type of pattern I'm looking for is one in which a morpheme 'subcategorizes' for a phonological property of a neighboring morpheme, i.e., it only occurs when a subcategorized phonological property is present. For example, it is sometimes said that the adjective-forming suffix /-ful/ in English subcategorizes for a stressed syllable at the end of the stem to which it attaches, e.g., forgetful, cf. *forgettingful (Siegel 1973; though this example is more complicated, see Brown 1958 and Chapin 1970). Subcategorization effects such as this can block the application of a morphological process, as in the case with English /-ful/. Or it may be the basis of the selection of a particular allomorph when two or more morphemes compete for a particular collocation, e.g., noun-forming {-ei, -erei} in German, where -erei is chosen if the stem ends in stress, and -ei if the stem-final syllable is unstressed (Hall 1990, Hargus 1993); one might say therefore that -erei subcategorizes for a stem that ends in a stressed syllable. Examples such as these have contributed to the study of interactionism in phonology and morphology (Siegel 1974, Hargus 1993, Booij & Lieber 1993), the prosodic dependence/independence of morpheme classes (Inkelas 1989), the nature of alignment constraints (McCarthy & Prince 1993, Kager 1996), and the structure of OT grammars (Orgun & Sprouse 1999). If any examples like this come to mind (which are not already listed below) in the languages you understand well, I'd greatly appreciate it if you could take the time and respond with a brief description of the facts and the relevant references. Many of the examples listed below are prosodic in nature, but examples of subcategorizatin for segmental properties are also very welcome. As far as whether an example 'qualifies', it is best to err on the side of inclusion. In fact, any significant discussion of these phenomena (but see references below) or relevant examples of phonologically governed blocking and allomorphy would be most welcome. The list of examples and references below are my starting place, but if you know of useful discussion that builds on this work, or gives critical assessment, that would be helpful as well. Please address all correspondence to this address (repeated at the end of the message). Finally, please forward this message to colleagues who you feel would be able to contribute but may not be on this listserv. Thank you for your time. -John Alderete Examples: Dutch -ig (N->A), only attaches to stems ending in stressed syllables (may induce both blocking and stress shift, see Trommelen & Zonneveld 1989, Kager 1996) Dutch {-isch, -ief} (N->A), -ief is chosen when the final syllable is stressed in the underived base and ends in -ie, -isch chosen elsewhere (Booij & Lieber 1993) English /-en/ (A->V), only attaches to heavy syllable stems; cannot attach to stems ending in liquids, nasals, or vowels (Siegel 1974: 174-176) English /-ful/ (N->A), only attaches to stems ending in stressed syllables; cannot attach to stems ending in /v f/ (Siegel 1974: 164-174, Brown 1958, Chapin 1970) English /-al/ (V->N), only attaches to stems ending in c1V(c2)(c3), where V is stressed, c2 (optional) is [+son] and c3 is either a coronal or a labial (Ross 1972, Siegel 1974: 164-168) English /-ize/ (N/A->V), only attaches to stems ending in an unstressed syllable (Raffelsiefen 1996) English {-eteria, -teria}, -eteria when stem-final syllable is stressed, -teria elsewhere (Siegel 1974: 176-178) German ge- (perfective participle), only attaches to stems that begin with a stressed syllable (references welcome) German {-ei, -erei} (V->N), -erei if the stem ends with a stressed final syllable, -ei if stem ends with an unstressed final syllable (Hargus 1993, Hall 1990) Lappish {-ide, -ida} (illative plural), -ide when stem has an even number of syllables, -ida when stem has odd number of syllables (Hargus 1993, Bergsland 1976) Latin {-ia, -ie:s} (abstract nouns in 1st and 5th declension), -ie:s is blocked if before a heavy syllable (i.e., if it leads to 'prosody trapping', see Mester 1994) Polish {-s, -ejs} (comparatives), -ejs is chosen if the underived stem ends in an extrasyllabic consonant, -s otherwise References: Anttila, Arto. 1995. Deriving variation from grammar: a study of Finnish genitives. Ms., Standard University. ROA-63 Anshen, Frank, Mark Aronoff, Roy Byrd, Judith Klavans. 1986. The role of etymology and word-length in English word formation. Ms., SUNY Stony Brook/IBM Watson Research Center. Aronoff, Mark. 1976. Word formation in generative grammar. Cambridge: The MIT Press. Booij, Geert & Rochelle Lieber. 1993. On the simultaneity of morphological and prosodic structure. In Hargus & Kaisse (eds.), pp. 23-44. Brown, A.F. 1958. The derivation of English adjectives ending -ful. Doctoral dissertation, University of Pennsylvania. Carstairs-McCarthy, Andrew. 1988. Some implications of phonologically conditioned suppletion. In Yearbook of Morphology. Carstairs-McCarthy, Andrew. 1990. Phonologically conditioned suppletion. In Dressler et al (eds), Contemporary Morphology, Mouton de Gruyter. Chapin, Paul. 1970. On affixation in English. In Manfred Bierwisch & Karl E. Heidolph (eds.), pp. 51-63, Progress in linguistics. A collection of papers. The Hague: Mouton. Fabb, Nigel. 1988. English suffixation is constrained only by selectional restrictions. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 6: 527-539. Hall, T. 1990. Syllable structure and syllable-related processes in German. Doctoral dissertation, University of Washington. Hargus, Sharon. 1993. Modeling the phonology-morphology interface. In Hargus & Kaisse (eds.), pp. 45-74. Hargus, Sharon & Ellen Kaisse. 1993. Phonetics and Phonology 4. Studies in Lexical Phonology. San Diego: Academic Press. Inkelas, Sharon. 1989. Prosodic constituency in the lexicon. Doctoral dissertation, Stanford University. Ito, Junko & Jorge Hankamer. 1989. Notes on monosyllabism in Turkish. In Junko Ito & Jeff Runner (eds.), Phonology at Santa Cruz. Santa Cruz: Linguistics Research Center, pp. 61-69. Kager, Rene. 1996. On affix allomorphy and syllable counting. In Ursula Kleinhenz (ed.), pp. 155-171, Studia Grammatica 41, Interfaces in Phonology. Berlin: Akademie Verlag. ROA-88. Kager, Rene. 1996. Stem stress and peak correspondence in Dutch. Ms., Utrecht University. McCarthy, John & Alan Prince. 1993. Generalized alignment. Yearbook of Morphology 1993, pp. 79-153. ROA-7 Mester, Armin. 1994. The quantitative trochee in Latin. NLLT 12: 1-61. Orgun, Cemil Orhan & Ronald Sprouse. 1999. From MParse to Control: deriving ungrammaticality. Phonology 16: 191-224. ROA-224. Prince, Alan & Paul Smolensky. 1993. Optimality Theory: constraint interaction in generative grammar. RuCCS-TR-2, Rutgers Center for Cognitive Science. Raffelsiefen, Renate. 1996. Gaps in word formation. In Ursula Kleinhenz (ed.), Interfaces in phonology. Berlin: Akademie Verlag, pp. 194-209. Ross, John. 1972. A reanalysis of English word stress. In Michael Brame (ed.), pp. 227-323, Contributions in generative phonology. Austin: University of Texas Press. Siegel, Dorothy. 1974. Topics in English morphology. Doctoral dissertation, MIT. Trommelen, Mieke, & Wim Zonneveld. 1989. Klemtoon en Metrische Fonologie. Muiderberg: Coutinho. ========================================================= 2] Amanda Seidl, Mende example Date: Wed, 5 Dec 2001 15:25:46 -0500 (EST) From: Amanda Seidl <> To: John Alderete <> Subject: Re: query: subcategorization in phonology and morphology Hi John, I'm wondering whether this qualifies: In Mende (<SW Mande), it seems like a case-marker subcategorizes/triggers the insertion of a phonologically mutated allomorph. If this sounds like it qualifies I can send you my analysis. The stuff you want is in a teeny chunk of my thesis. If you need more details I have another paper. Let me know. Best, Amanda ### N.B.: contact author with info below for paper referred to above. ### ******************************************** Amanda Seidl Department of Cognitive Science Johns Hopkins University 137D Krieger Hall Baltimore, MD 21218 dept phone: (410) 516-4945 ********************************************* ========================================================= 3] Lee Bickmore, Tahitian example Date: Wed, 5 Dec 2001 15:40:01 -0500 To: John Alderete <> From: Lee Bickmore <> Subject: Re: query: subcategorization in phonology and morphology Hi John. Long time no see. I hope all is going well. With regard to your request, one thing came to mind, though I don't think it's really what you're looking for--it certainly doesn't have to do with prosodic conditioning. In Tahitian, the causative prefix is fa'a- unless the root begins with a labial consonant, in which case it's ha'a-. The analysis of this, of course, is probably very straightforward: some constraint on multiple sequential labials with the default C being placeless. Of course, I'm not entirely sure that there's lots of independent evidence that h is the default. Seems like arguments could be made that perhaps ' (glottal stop), also placeless, is. ... Best, lee ****************************************************************** Lee S. Bickmore Snail Mail: Associate Professor Dept. of Anthropology, SS 263 Dept of Anthropology University at Albany Program in Linguistics & Cog. Sci. Albany, NY 12222 Associate Dean of Undergraduate Studies Ph: (518) 442-4160 Fax: (518) 442-5710 Web pages: (personal) (Languages of Zambia) ========================================================= 4] Carson Schutze, English example: 'person from X /-er/' Date: Wed, 05 Dec 2001 13:18:05 -0800 Subject: RE: query: subcategorization in phonology and morphology From: Carson Schutze <> To: <> Hi John, There's an alternation in English for the N->A suffix meaning "person from", as in a New York-er a Tex-an (or Texa-n?) a Toronto-nian There's a problem in the O'Grady textbook that mentions some of this data, showing that vowel-final place names don't take -er (*Philadelphia-er), and one datum suggesting that r-final ones don't either (*Denverer) [they don't talk about allomorphs other than -er]. I actually don't know what the full generalization is, i.e. what's wrong with *Torontan, *Torontoan. I keep meaning to sit down with an atlas and check a more systematic collection of cases. But I don't know if some of this is just conventionalized; maybe actually it would be better to do a wug-test on oneself using made-up names. Stress pattern probably has something to do with it I would think. Please let me know if you find a source on this. Best, Carson Carson T. Schutze Department of Linguistics, UCLA Email: Box 951543, Los Angeles CA 90095-1543 U.S.A. Office: Campbell Hall 2224B Deliveries/Courier: 3125 Campbell Hall Campus Mail Code: 154302 Web: Phone: (310)995-9887 Fax: (310)206-8595 ========================================================= 5] Mike Maxwell, Examples from Tzeltal (Mayan), Shuar (Jivaroan, Ecuador), Axininca Campa (Peru), and Cubeo (Tucanoan, Colombia) From: "Mike Maxwell" <> To: <> Subject: subcat Date: Wed, 5 Dec 2001 16:18:40 -0500 I'm a little confused about what you're looking for-- >...Or it may be the basis of the selection >of a particular allomorph when two or more >morphemes compete for a particular collocation... Do you mean when two or more _allomorphs_ compete? But doesn't all allomorphy work this way (assuming you can't just generate the surface allomorphs from a common underlying form via phonological rules)? At any rate, here are some examples from Tzeltal (Mayan): 1st person Ergative (on verbs) or Possessor (on nouns) is the prefix k- before vowel-initial stems, and h- before C-initial stems 2nd Erg/Poss is aw- before V-initial stems, a- before C-initial stems 3rd Erg/Poss is y- before V-initial stems, s- before C-initial stems So far as I know, there is no general phonological process in Tzeltal that would generate these allomorphs from common underlying forms. I believe many languages have similar affix allomorphs whose distribution is governed by C- vs. V-initial (or -final) stems. There is rampant allomorphy in Shuar (Jivaroan, Ecuador) suffixes depending on whether the stem to which they attach is V- or C-final. As I recall, the generalization seems to be that the language likes closed syllables (except that the first syllable of the word has to be open). So there are a lot of suffixes having the general form -CCV after a vowel, and -CVC after a consonant. The morphology and phonology of Shuar is described in a Ph.D. thesis by Glen Turner done around 1957 at (I believe) the University of Indiana. (The title is s.t. like "Jivaro Grammar.") He analyzes most of the allomorphy as metathesis, but you might argue otherwise, particularly since the vowel in the two allomorphs is not always the same. I'm sure his dissertation is hard to find now. Unfortunately my copy is in storage pending completion of our move. A Spanish translation (with minor editing, as I understand) was published a few years ago by SIL, but I don't see it listed on their website. The Shuar Federation (Federacion Shuar) in Ecuador published some work on their language as well. But the last I saw (twenty years ago) it was not as linguistically analyzed as Glen Turner's dissertation, so you'd be harder pressed to extract the desired examples. (The language is fairly agglutinative.) And the last time I tried, I could find no web presence for the Shuar Federation. Axininca Campa (Peru) is another example of a language with rampant allomorphy. David Payne's grammar ("The Phonology and Morphology of Axininca Campa", published by SIL) accounts for most of it with phonological rules, including epenthesis of both /t/ and /a/. How synchronically productive those rules are, is another question. Axininca Campa has been cited quite a bit in the phonology literature, particularly (I think) the OT literature. Finally, there is a causative suffix in Cubeo (Tucanoan, Colombia; I'm taking the data from the "Cubeo Grammar" which I co-authored with Nancy Morse, and which is published by SIL). There are four allomorphs, -wA, -A, -O, and -OwA (the upper case vowels indicate that nasal spreading affects these vowels). Which allomorph a given verb takes is lexicalized (unpredictable), except that there are a couple generalizations, namely: If the root is monosyllabic and ends in a back round oral vowel (u or o), it takes -A. And most monosyllabic nasalized verbs take -O. But those aren't very impressive generalizations... Mike Maxwell Linguistic Data Consortium ========================================================= 6] Wayles Browne, Example of Slavic suffix -ba Date: Wed, 5 Dec 2001 16:17:50 -0400 To: From: Wayles Browne <> Subject: Slavic suffix -ba On your Linguist query: There is a suffix -ba in Slavic languages which forms nouns from various stems, mostly verbs. In most of the languages (Czech is an exception to some extent) it can't be added after a labial consonant. Examples from Macedonian: tvor-i 'to create' -> tvorba 'creation' but not sram-i 'to shame' -> *sramba 'shame' (there is another suffix, -ez^, which can be used instead: sramez^ 'shame'). This is not a constraint on the surface form, because one CAN add -ba to a stem ending in a dental, even though the dental (if it is n) will assimilate to the b: e.g. Croatian hin-iti 'to feign' -> hinba -> himba 'imposture' (old-fashioned). This is not simply a matter of adjacent segments, either. The version of -ba added to adjective stems is -oba. In Russian e.g. xud-oj 'bad, thin' can form xudoba 'thinness', but rjab-oj 'speckled' cannot add -oba to form *rjaboba 'speckledness'. This and several more examples (also one from English: heavy -> heavily, but not friendly -> *friendlily) are in my paper in Indiana Slavic Studies vol. 10 (1999); shall I send you a copy? ### N.B. Please contact author with information below for above paper. ### Yours, - Wayles Browne, Assoc. Prof. of Linguistics Department of Linguistics Morrill Hall 220, Cornell University Ithaca, New York 14853, U.S.A. tel. 607-255-0712 (o), 607-273-3009 (h) fax 607-255-2044 (write FOR W. BROWNE) e-mail ========================================================= 7] Jose Elias Ulloa, Example from Shipibo and Capanahua (Panoan, Peru) From: "Jose Elias Ulloa" <> To: "John Alderete" <> References: <> Subject: Message from Beto Date: Wed, 5 Dec 2001 16:46:32 -0500 Hi John, ... in Shipibo (a Panoan language in Peru), the ergative suffix has two basic forms /-aN/ and /-niN/. /-aN/ is added to nouns with an even number of syllables and /-nin/ to an odd number of syllables. witax 'leg' witax-an 'leg+ergative' atapa 'hen' atapa-nin 'hen+ergative' (x stands for a coronal, continuant, voiced, retroflex consonant) It's pretty similar to the illative plural suffix in Lappish (I think in Estonian there's a similar case too. Sorry I don't remember the facts but I think there's an article by Kager where he tries to account for it). In Panoan languages, it's also common to find cases of vowel harmony depending on the number of syllables. In Shipibo, again there's an alternation between /-ribi/ and /-riba/. When the second syllable of the ergative suffix is in an even syllable, the suffix is /-ribi/, when the second syllable of the suffix is in an odd syllable the suffix will appear as /-riba/. In Capanahua, another Panoan language, something very similar occurs, but the difference is that there's an alterning glotal stop. I'm sending you an attachment with a paper written by Carolina Gonzales. This is only a draft, she hasn't finished the paper yet. There you can find data about Capanahua and reference to other Panoan languages that show alternations based on number of syllables. ### N.B. contact author with information below for paper referred to above. ### - --------------------------------------- Jose A. Elias (Beto) Department of Linguistics - Rutgers University 39963 RPO Way, New Brunswick, NJ 08901, USA. Phone: (732) 565-9250 ========================================================= 8] Gail Coelho, Example from Thompson River Salish Date: Wed, 05 Dec 2001 16:27:53 -0600 From: Coelho <> Subject: Re: query: subcategorization in phonology and morphology Hi John, One example that comes to mind are the inchoative markers in Thompson River Salish (and presumably several other Salishan languages). There are two inchoative allomorphs, an infix /-?-/ and a suffix /-*p/, where * is a schwa. The former attaches to strong roots and latter to weak roots. There are two views on what distinguishes strong roots from weak roots: (1) Strong roots have underlying accent, weak roots dont. (2) Strong roots have an underlying full vowel, weak roots have underlying schwa or no vowel, and you've to use a complicated set of environments to derive existing surface vowels from underlying schwa. I take the former view. Either way, the inchoative sub-categorizes for a phonological property, doesn't it? Incidentally, inchoative infixation turns strong roots into weak roots -- I think the reasons are phonological/phonetic, but I'm working on that. Gail ========================================================= 8.1] Suzanne Urbanczyk, Reference for Salish example Date: Wed, 5 Dec 2001 15:18:11 -0800 To: From: Suzanne Urbanczyk <> Subject: yep Hi John, That message from the OT list is right on the money (refers to [8] message immediately above). I know that it is the same in St'at'imcets as well. The grammar by van Eijk (1997) The Lillooet Language: Phonology, Morphology, Syntax. Vancouver, UBC Press, has the details in it. Ciao for now, Su ========================================================= 9] Brett Baker, Examples from Ngalakgan and other Australian languages Date: Thu, 6 Dec 2001 09:59:37 +1100 To: From: "Brett J. Baker" <> Subject: allomorphy John, My thesis has a chapter on morpheme selection in Ngalakgan according to phonological properties of the stem. You get geminate-initial allomorphs if the stem contains no geminates or clusters of obstruents, singleton-initial allomorphs otherwise. The facts are published in an MIT volume 'Working Papers in Endangered and less familiar languages' (if you can believe it) volume 2, Rob Pensalfini and Norvin Richards eds. 2000. The same pattern applies to two other (neighbouring) languages I know of: Rembarrnga and Ngandi. The conditioning factors (prosodic structure) are the same in Ngandi at least, I haven't checked out Rembarrnga. Warrumungu has some similar things going on (Simpson in Goldsmith Handbook of Phonological theory, and look at Evans' paper on phonology in Australian languages for other stuff). Other Australian languages have similar allomorphy patterns based on stem-internal nasal-stop clusters (this pattern is much more common). Caroline wrote a generals paper on this pattern. There's a published account in Aboriginal Linguistics 1 (1988) by Patrick McConvell. But I noticed you didn't mention the most common, and most famous, Australian allomorphy pattern discovered by Ken Hale: the pattern whereby ergative and locative suffixes take one of two allomorphs -lV or -nggV depending on the number of syllables in the stem. This pattern applies to lots of languages, especially in the centre, with some -lV or -nggV depending on the number of syllables in the stem. This pattern applies to lots of languages, especially in the centre, with some variations on the prosodic conditioning. There's an account in Dixon's 1980 'Languages of Australia' (much as I hate to give him a plug - don't ask). There's probably more recent stuff floating around. Perhaps the most interesting patterns (apart from the geminate and nasal cluster alternation ones) are the ones affecting apical-initial suffixes in some Central and western languages. In this one (which is strictly local), you get alternations in retroflexion, depending on whether the preceding consonant in the stem is apical or not. In most languages, the suffix is retroflex if the preceding consonant is apical (alveolar or retroflex), and alveolar otherwise. E.g. (from Alan Dench: Martuthunira. Pacific Linguistics, 1995). kampa-layi cook-FUT wangka-layi speak-FUT ngaya-layi cry-FUT But: ngarrarni-rlayi get.stuck-FUT thanta-rlayi crawl-FUT Kaytetye (H. Koch in Papers in Australian Linguistics No. 13. 1980. Eds Bruce Rigsby and Peter Sutton) is similar, and Arrernte (J. Henderson, UWA PhD thesis 1998). But according to Rob Pensalfini (MIT PhD thesis 1997), Jingulu has almost the *opposite* pattern: you get alveolars after apicals, retroflexes otherwise. Mark Harvey and I are working on a paper discussing coronal place, and we think we have an explanation for this. I'll send it to you when we're done. Cheers, Brett. Brett Baker Postdoctoral Fellow, Dept of Linguistics F12 University of Sydney 2006 Ph: 02 9351 8763 Fax: 02 9351 7572 ========================================================= 10] Donca Steriade, Examples from Latin and Greek declensions Date: Wed, 5 Dec 2001 18:17:31 -0500 To: John Alderete <> From: Donca Steriade <steriade@MIT.EDU> Subject: Re: query: subcategorization in phonology and morphology (fwd) Dear John, I have kept your morphological subcat handout on a visible end of my desk because it's intriguing. So far the cases that I know of involve exclusively Latin and Greek style declensional classes. The declension classes are all phonologically predictable: the a-final stems belong to one declension class, the o-final stems to another, the C-stems to the third etc. This relates to your story in that one can treat declensional classes by saying that certain sets of case endings (each set defining a particular declensional class) subcategorize for the final segment of the stem. E.g. the Latin the set defining the 1st declension {-s, -i, -m, -V (length), -i, -rum, -Vs...} subcategorizes for a-final stems. Not sure this is right but it may be worth playing with and it seems related. ... Best regards, Donca ========================================================= 11] Armin Mester, Examples from German (diminutive -chen / lein and A->N suffix heit/keit) plus references Date: Wed, 5 Dec 2001 17:05:49 -0800 (PST) From: Armin Mester <> To: John Alderete <> Subject: Re: query: subcategorization in phonology and morphology (fwd) Hi John, You already have collected a very impressive list! I'll keep thinking of other examples. The best reference for German ge- is probably Kiparsky 1966 "Ueber den deutschen Akzent" (or words to that effect). To my knowledge he was the first to clearly state that the generalization was prosodic (after MAIN stress: trompeten - hat trom(2)pe(1)tet, *getrom(2)pe(1)tet 'play the trumpet'), not morphological. A segmental case in German is the OCP-controlled behavior of diminutive -chen / lein: Among other things, -chen is avoided after ch-stems (Bach Baechlein, *Baechchen 'creek'), and lein (mostly) after l-stems (Saal Saelchen, *Saellein 'hall'). But the story is more complicated, with doublets such as Engelchen Engellein 'angel'. The A->N suffix heit/keit shows a similar segmental restrictions: Krank-heit *Krank-keit 'illness', Traeg-heit *Traeg-keit 'lethagy', Frech-heit *Frech-keit 'insolence (the latter case is interesting wrt. the question wheher the conditions are checked in the output, with allophones spelled out). The is also a variant -igheit which shows stress conditioning. Fleischer's morphology book ("Wortbildung"), especially in the second edition with a second author, is full of such observations (it's written in the German tongue, however). Greetings, Armin - --------------------------------------------------------------------------- Armin Mester Professor of Linguistics office: 408 459-3426 Linguistics Department msgs: 408 459-2555 Stevenson College dept: 408 459-2905 University of California, Santa Cruz, CA 95064 fax: 408 459-3334 - --------------------------------------------------------------------------- ========================================================= 12] John Koontz, Example from Winnebago and discussion Date: Wed, 5 Dec 2001 16:35:47 -0700 (MST) From: Koontz John E <John.Koontz@Colorado.EDU> To: John Alderete <> Subject: Re: 12.3046, Qs: Ling Library Funds, Morpheme Subcategorization I take it that a valid example would include cases where fairly trivial allomorphs allow an ending to be added to set of stems determined by non-phonological criteria, with only the allomorphs being phonologically conditioned. For example: > Lappish {-ide, -ida} (illative plural), -ide when stem has an even number > of syllables, -ida when stem has odd number of syllables (Hargus 1993, > Bergsland 1976) Isn't that pretty much everything? I had thought at first you were looking at a much more restrictive situation in which some bases logically possible on non-phonolopgical grounds were excluded from taking morphological category on phonological grounds. An example of the more general situation would be the Winnebago declarative, which is s^anaN after verbs ending in consonants and naN after verbs ending in vowels. An example of the more restricted kind doesn't immediately occur to me. John Koontz ========================================================= 13] Lisa Davidson, Example of Portuguese and Spanish diminutives Date: Wed, 05 Dec 2001 21:44:58 -0500 From: Lisa B Davidson <> Subject: Re: query: subcategorization in phonology and morphology In-reply-to: <> To: John Alderete <> Hi John-- If I understood your question correctly, then I think the Portuguese diminutive is another example of this. The ending -inho/a is used when the noun ends in an unstressed vowel (casa --> casinha) and the ending -zinho/a is used when the noun ends in an accented vowel, a nasal vowel, or a diphthong (pai --> paizinho, homem --> homenzinho, irma~ --> irma~zinha [where the final m represents nasalized /e/ and the tilda represents a nasalized /a/]) Spanish is also similar-- -ito follows stressless vowels (gato --> gatito, planta --> plantita), and -cito follows stressed vowels and /n/ and /r/ (cafe' --> cafecito, Ramon --> Ramoncito) but my Spanish informant is not so clear on this distinction (for example,
takes -ito, and mama, at least in Spain, is mamita or mamaita, not mamacita). If you're interested in this one you should check on it (my Spanish informant, who is from Spain but whose mother is Mexican, says it's different in different countries.) I'm sure someone has told you this by now, but if not, hope it helps! Lisa ========================================================= 14] Yoonjung Kang, Example from Korean From: "Yoonjung Kang" <> To: <> References: <> Subject: Re: query: subcategorization in phonology and morphology Date: Wed, 5 Dec 2001 23:04:13 -0500 Dear John, ... I thought the following paper may be of interest to you. Cho, Young-Mee Y. 1991. "A phonological constraint on the attachment of particles in Korean" Harvard studies in Korean linguistics 4. The basic fact is that certain particles/affixes can attach to a verbal stem only when the stem is at least disyllabic. If your library does not have the volume, I am sure that Professor Cho in the East Asian department of Rutgers can give you a copy. Best, Yoonjung ========================================================= 15] Arto Antilla, References From: Arto Tapani Anttila <> To: "''" <> Cc: Arto Tapani Anttila <> Subject: subcategorization Date: Thu, 6 Dec 2001 14:04:20 +0800 Hi John, Thanks for the biblio and the examples you sent out. Here are some additional references that come to mind. A general discussion of the typology of phonological/morphological subcategorization can be found in Kiparsky 1994. Finno-Ugric has quite a bit of prosodically conditioned allomorphy. Estonian is discussed in Kager 1996 (the syllable counting paper you refer to) and I believe also in Kager 1997 in Rivista (see below). Kager's analyses are mostly based on Mati Hint's very interesting original work, unfortunately mostly in Estonian. Dolbey 1996 is a cyclic OT analysis of Saami allomorphy. I've heard Nganasan mentioned as the best example of syllable-counting allomorphy. Helimski's paper (see below) is a good starting point, but I seem to remember the analysis is quite abstract, so you won't see neat lists of allomorphs. I also have some discussion of Finnish in a paper to appear soon. Best, Arto @INCOLLECTION{kiparsky94a, AUTHOR = {Kiparsky, Paul}, TITLE = {Allomorphy or morphophonology}, BOOKTITLE = {Trubetzkoy's Orphan}, NOTE = {Proceedings of the Montr\'{e}al Roundtable on "Morphonology: contemporary responses", Current issues in Linguistic Theory 144}, PUBLISHER = {John Benjamins}, YEAR = 1994, PAGES = {12-31}, EDITOR = {Singh, Rajendra}, ADDRESS = {Amsterdam}} @ARTICLE{kager97, AUTHOR = {Kager, Ren\'{e}}, TITLE = {Generalized Alignment and morphological parsing}, JOURNAL = {Rivista di Linguistica}, VOLUME = {8}, NUMBER = {1}, YEAR = {1997}} @INCOLLECTION{dolbey96, AUTHOR = {Dolbey, Andrew}, TITLE = {Output optimization and cyclic allomorph selection}, BOOKTITLE = {The Proceedings of the Fifteenth West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics (WCCFL 15)}, EDITOR = {Agbayani, Brian and Sze-Wing Tang}, PUBLISHER = {Stanford Linguistics Association/CSLI}, PAGES = {97-112}, YEAR = {1996}} @ARTICLE{anttila00a, AUTHOR = {Anttila, Arto}, TITLE = {Morphologically conditioned phonological alternations}, JOURNAL = {Natural Language and Linguistic Theory}, VOLUME = {}, YEAR = {in press}, PAGES = {}, NOTE = {Also {\tt, ROA-425-10100}}} @INCOLLECTION{helimski98, AUTHOR = {Helimski, Eugen}, TITLE = {Nganasan}, BOOKTITLE = {The Uralic Languages}, SERIES = {Routledge Language Family Descriptions}, PUBLISHER = {Routledge}, ADDRESS = {London and New York}, EDITOR = {Abondolo, Daniel}, PAGES = {480-515}, YEAR = {1998}} ========================================================= 16] Birgit Alber, Example from German Date: Thu, 6 Dec 2001 06:24:31 +0100 To: From: Birgit Alber <> Subject: subcategorization etc. Dear John, very shortly because quite overworked (me): Wiese (1996), The Phonology of German, CUP: here you find stress-dependent heit/keit allomorphy and possibly also discussion of ge- Plag (1999), Morphological Productivity, Mouton de Gruyter: a study in derivational morphology on extensive corpus; here you find several cases of blocking etc. in English Best Birgit ========================================================= 17] Todd Bailey, Examples from Spanish, Latin and Polish From: "Todd Bailey" <> To: John Alderete <> Date: Thu, 6 Dec 2001 09:37:12 GMT0BST I don't know if this falls in the realm of what you're looking for, but I'm aware of unstressed suffixes in Spanish, Latin and maybe Polish which are accompanied by shifts of stress in the stem to which they attach if the stem has antepenultimate stress (e.g. Spanish re'gimen (antepenultimate stress) -> regi'menes, and also the different pattern cha'racter -> characte'res). One might conceivably analyze these in terms of suffixes subcategorising for stress on one of the last two syllables of the stem, though this is not the usual analysis. I will send more details and references if this is of interest to you. Best, todd ### second, follow up message with references: From: "Todd Bailey" <> To: John Alderete <> Date: Fri, 7 Dec 2001 11:10:38 GMT0BST I don't know if I have any non-canonical references, but I'll give you what I've got, picking them out of Ch. 3 of my thesis on primary stress (in case it's of interest you can find that chapter by chapter at, among other places). Actually, that's probably as good a place as any to find a summary of what I know about the "stress-shift" phenomena in these languages, so I won't repeat the facts here. For Spanish nouns, three patterns of shift are illustrated in Figure 2d, p. 69 of my thesis (also see Figure 10, p. 82). Some references on Spanish stress shift in nouns: Harris, J. W. (1983). Syllable structure and stress in Spanish. A nonlinear analysis. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Roca, I. (1988). Theoretical implications of Spanish word stress. Linguistic Inquiry, 19, 393-423. Roca, I. (1990). Diachrony and synchrony in word stress. Journal of Linguistics, 26, 133-164. Den Os, E., & Kager, R. (1986). Extrametricality and stress in Spanish and Italian. Lingua, 69, 23-48. Otero, C. P. (1986). A unified metrical account of Spanish stress. In M. Brame & H. Contreras & F. J. Newmeyer (Eds.), A Festschrift for Sol Saporta (pp. 299-332). Seattle, Washington: Noit Amrofer. Stress also moves around within Spanish verbs depending on the following inflectional endings (Figure 14, p. 98). The main reference for this is Harris (1987). Harris, J. W. (1987). The accentual patterns of verb paradigms in Spanish. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory, 5, 61-90. Polish nouns with (exceptional/marked) antepenultimate stress also undergo a stress shift when followed by inflectional suffixes, as illustrated in Figure 22, p. 112. Other refs on Polish stress shift: Halle, M., & Vergnaud, J.-R. (1987). An Essay on Stress. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Franks, S. (1991). Diacritic extrametricality vs. diacritic accent: A reply to Hammond. Phonology, 8, 145-161. Idsardi, W. J. (1992). The computation of prosody. Ph.D. thesis, MIT. Enclitic stress in Latin also exhibits interesting interactions between stress and morphology. Basically, they force stress onto the final syllable of the stem to which they attach (i.e. they "subcategorize" for stems with final stress). See Figure 32a, p. 126. References on Latin enclitic stress include: Halle, M., & Kenstowicz, M. (1991). The free element condition and cyclic versus noncyclic stress. Linguistic Inquiry, 22, 457-501. Mester, R. A. (1994). The quantitative trochee in Latin. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory, 12, 1-61. Steriade, D. (1988). Greek accent: A case for preserving structure. LI, 19(2), 271-314. I hope some of this is helpful. Best, todd Todd M. Bailey, Ph.D. Lecturer of Psychology, Cardiff University Email: Smail: School of Psychology, Cardiff University PO Box 901, Cardiff CF10 3YG, United Kingdom Ph: +44 29 2087 5375 Fax: +44 29 2087 4858 ========================================================= 18] Moira Yip, Examples from English and Cantonese Date: Thu, 06 Dec 2001 14:19:53 +0000 To: John Alderete <> From: Moira Yip <> Subject: Re: query: subcategorization in phonology and morphology The most obvious cases that come to mind, and erring on the side of over-inclusion, are these: English: -ion/-tion/-ition, and same for ive/tive./itive: The -tion allomoproph only attaches to non-coronals: decieve/decep-tion, and the others are chosen for coronals: add-ition, or divis-ion. Englsih: -er, only on monosyllabic adjectives, or disyllables ending in -y. Cantonese: Vocative prefix a-, used only on monosyllables to give a bisyllabic output form. Bi-syllables do not take it (although I found a native speaker last week who disagrees, and says he can add it to anything). Moira - ----------------------- Dr. Moira Yip Dept of Phonetics and Linguistics University College London Gower Street London WC1E 6BT ENGLAND Tel: +44-20-7679-3158 Fax: +44-20-7383-4108 ========================================================= 19] Jeremy Whistle, Discussion of English /-ful/ Date: Thu, 06 Dec 2001 14:19:56 +0000 Subject: query: subcategorization in phonology and morphology To: Hi, I don't want to appear nit-picking but is the following statement true? "The basic type of pattern I'm looking for is one in which a morpheme 'subcategorizes' for a phonological property of a neighboring morpheme, i.e., it only occurs when a subcategorized phonological property is present. For example, it is sometimes said that the adjective-forming suffix /-ful/ in English subcategorizes for a stressed syllable at the end of the stem to which it attaches, e.g., forgetful, cf. *forgettingful (Siegel 1973; though this example is more complicated, see Brown 1958 and Chapin 1970)." I agree that /-ful/ is more often than not attached to a stressed syllable but how do you account for: beautiful colo(u)rful meaningful plentiful powerful wonderful? Are the restrictions grammatical/semantic (ie only nouns) rather than phonological? Or have I misunderstood something? Best wishes, ### N.b.: see Siegel 1974 for discussion of these 'exceptions' ### *********************************************************** Jeremy Whistle, School of Business and Management University College Northampton, Moulton Park, Northampton NN2 7AL, GB tel: +44 (0)1604 735500 ext: 2182 e-mail: ========================================================= 20] Andrew Spencer, Reference and discussion of general topic From: "Spencer, Andrew J" <> To: "'John Alderete'" <> Subject: RE: query: subcategorization in phonology and morphology Date: Thu, 6 Dec 2001 15:03:54 -0000 Of course, whether you get 'subcategorization' depends on your theory of representations ('underlying forms' or whatever). One could in principle say that the -@z allomorph of the English plural selects/is selected by sibilant-final stems. Or you could handle the distribution in different ways. Carstairs-McCarthy has written about these things in various places. An overview can be found in his chapter in Spencer and Zwicky 1998 Handbook of Morphology, 144-148. Maybe you should contact him directly for further examples. Best wishes, Andrew Spencer ========================================================= 21] Larry Trask, Examples from English (/en-) and Basque and discussion of English /-ful/ and /-ize/ Date: Thu, 06 Dec 2001 15:07:15 +0000 From: Larry Trask <> To: Subject: Re: Q: Morpheme Subcategorization I can suggest one more English case. I think that the English verb-forming prefix (or prefixes) <en-> can only be added to a base with initial stress: enable empower enslave ennoble encourage enrich enmesh entomb ensnare enfeeble Can't think of any counterexamples, but I haven't checked a dictionary. Perhaps I might mention the Basque noun-forming suffix <-tze>. This forms nouns from nouns and verbs, but it is subject to the restriction that it cannot be added to a stem ending in a sibilant (fricative or affricate). Stems in sibilants must take instead the quite different suffix <-te>. The two suffixes have wholly different origins. When added to nouns, they also have different functions. But, when added to verb-stems, they have the same function: deriving verbal nouns and gerunds. Examples of verbal nouns: <etor-> 'come', <etortze> 'coming' <sar-> 'enter', <sar-> 'entering' <hel-> 'arrive', <heltze> 'arriving' <kanta-> 'sing', <kantatze> 'singing' <ken-> 'remove', <kentze> 'removing' But: <ikus-> 'see', <ikuste> 'seeing' <idatz-> 'write', <idazte> 'writing' <egos-> 'cook', <egoste> 'cooking' <ikuzi> 'wash', <ikuzte> 'washing' <ebatsi> 'steal', <ebaste> 'stealing' Basque <z> spells a voiceless lamino-alveolar fricative similar to English /s/, while <s> spells a voiceless apico-alveolar fricative similar to Castilian Spanish /s/ in northern Spain; <tz> and <ts> are the corresponding affricates. By the way, I query the statement that the English adjective-forming suffix <-ful> must follow a stressed syllable. There seem to be lots of exceptions: wonderful powerful pitiful merciful beautiful plentiful meaningful But perhaps I've missed something. Anyway, I think *<forgettingful> is excluded because no suitable lexical item *<forgetting> exists to serve as a base anyway. Compare 'meaningful', above. > English /-ize/ (N/A->V), only attaches to stems ending in an unstressed > syllable (Raffelsiefen 1996) I broadly agree with this. But there's a tiny problem with 'realize'. Though 'real' is historically two syllables, and still so for some speakers, it is now commonly one syllable in both British and American English. But then I suppose most speakers no longer associate 'realize' with 'real' anyway. Moreover, some speakers fail to observe this restriction in their coinages. I have often encountered 'basquize' ('make Basque'), which I consider horrible, and Laurie Bauer cites 'Vietnamize', which is also bad for me, unless I pronounce the second syllable with schwa, which I don't do in 'Vietnam'. Larry Trask COGS University of Sussex Brighton BN1 9QH UK Tel: (01273)-678693 (from UK); +44-1273-678693 (from abroad) Fax: (01273)-671320 (from UK); +44-1273-671320 (from abroad) ========================================================= 22] John Koontz, Examples from Siouan Date: Thu, 6 Dec 2001 08:47:49 -0700 (MST) From: Koontz John E <John.Koontz@Colorado.EDU> To: John Alderete <> cc: Koontz John E <John.Koontz@Colorado.EDU> Subject: Re: 12.3046, Qs: Ling Library Funds, Morpheme Subcategorization ... Perhaps you didn't have the example of suppletion between more/most and -er/-est in English based on length of the adjectival stem. There are certainly other examples of this sort of thing in Siouan, e.g., the allomorphs of the causative in Mandan and also in Hidatsa. I still haven't thought of any cases where phonological form prevents application of a category. The genious of the family extends more to pleonastic application of categories or analogical recision of the canonical or morphosyntactic form of stems. Best of luck with your project. JEK ========================================================= 23] Pius ten Hacken, Explanation of morphological dictionary in Word Manager Date: Thu, 06 Dec 2001 17:47:26 +0100 From: Pius ten Hacken <> Subject: Re 12.3046: morphophonological subcategorization X-Sender: Dear colleague, Regarding your question in the Linguist-List, it might be interesting to know the resources offered by Word Manager (WM). WM is a system for morphological dictionaries. A WM-dictionary is an object-oriented database with information about inflection and word formation both in terms of classes of items and in terms of instructions. From the database, dedicated tools can be derived, giving information about for instance how many and which word were formed according to a particular morphological pattern. For German, a large WM database has been developed, and a few dedicated tools are available at For English and Italian, the database is under development. As your query refers to phonological information not directly encoded in WM, WM resources can be used either to check a hypothesis or to look for generalizations by identifying the full class of lexemes produced with a particular word formation suffix and checking the phonological properties manually. I think, however, that also in such a case, the availability of the classes will be helpful. More information about Word Manager can be found at Best wishes, Pius ten Hacken ========================================================= 24] Anna Thornton, Examples from Italian (several examples) Date: Fri, 07 Dec 2001 12:15:48 +0100 To: John Alderete <> From: "Anna M. Thornton" <> Subject: Re: query: subcategorization in phonology and morphology John, I have a couple of examples from Italian. 1. prefix s- with negative semantics attaches to adjectives e.g. fortunato 'lucky' sfortunato 'unlucky' BUT: a.: s- doesn't attach to vowel-initial adjectives b.: it doesn't attach to adjs whose inital segment cannot be preceded by s- by normal phonotactic rules of the language (that is, there is no repairment, like epenthesis or the like --- it just doesn't take those bases). Examples: a. utile 'useful' *sutile 'not useful' (we say inutile) b. giusto 'right' *sgiusto 'not right' (we say ingiusto) Reference: S. Scalise, Generative morphology, Foris, Dordrecht, 1984, pp. 47-48. 2. In my own doctoral dissertation on action nouns in Italian (unfortunately unpublished and written in Italian), I have found that there is a general constraint in Italian suffixation, by which suffixes containing an affricate do not attach to bases whose root ends in the same affricate: so you don't have nouns in -dZaddZo (orthographic -ggiaggio), which could be formed by attaching suffix -aggio to verbs in -giare, -gere, -gire (which are plenty) and you dont' find nouns in -ttattsjone, ttsittsjone (orthographic -zzazione, -zzizione) formed with the suffix -ttsjone (orth. -zione, cfr. -ation) from verbs in -ttsare (of which there are a few, over 20). Note that you do have plenty of words in -ddzattsjone (orthographic -zzazione, like above) from verbs ending in -iddzare (ortho. -izzare, cfr. -ize) -- so the constraint only applies to identical affricates, a difference in voicing is enough to allow the attachment. In the same work, I noted that suffix -mento (another action noun suffix) does not attach to monosyllabic bases, such as those of the verbs dare 'give', stare 'stay', dire 'say', fare 'do,make', while the almost synonymic suffix -zione is found with such base: fare fazione *famento stare stazione *stamento dire dizione *dimento dare dazione *damento All the -zione derivatives are in fact words inherited from Latin, and have undergone some degree of lexicalization, so that fazione 'party' and stazione 'station' (but also 'stazione eretta' = standing on two legs, said of humans vs. apes) are no longer semantically connected to their base verb, but dizione "the way one speaks (which can be taught, for instance to actors)" and dazione "act of giving, only used in legal terminology" are still connected to the base verb. The reference to this is Anna M. Thornton, Sui nomina actionis in italiano, Ph. D. Diss. University of Pisa, 1988, pp. 356-358 (I have given you more details than are in the actual text, as I had to gloss and discuss the semantics of dazione, etc., so if you need to quote these data you can add personal communication from me as a source). 3. Easy example: the hypochoristic suffix /i/ (orthographically -i/ -y/ -ie) only attaches to disyllabic trochaic bases. The bases can be disyllabic trochees in their own right (a), or have become such by a previous operation of prosodic morphology (b): Ambra --> Ambry Roberta --> Robe --> Roby Plenty of data and discussion in my paper: Thornton, Anna M., "On some phenomena of prosodic morphology in Italian: accorciamenti, hypocoristics and prosodic delimitation", Probus, 8,1, 1996, pp. 81-112. I am currently teaching a class in basic Itaian morphology, so I might think of more examples in the next couple of weeks. I hope you'll find my examples helpful. I look forward to receiving your summary on the topic. Anna Thornton Associate professor of Linguistics University of L'Aquila, Italy ========================================================= 25] Katherine Crosswhite, Example of verbal -s'a/-s' in Russian Date: Thu, 06 Dec 2001 15:13:51 -0500 From: Katherine Crosswhite <> Reply-To: Dear John, ... Also, here's an example for your subcategorization query: There is a verbal morpheme in Russian that has two allomorphs, depending on the shape of the stem. This is usually called a reflexive marker, although some have pointed out the it is more accurate to call it an intransitivity marker since verbs using it can be passive, middle, reciprocal, or just intransitive. The ending is -s'a if the verb otherwise ends in a consonant, but is -s' if it otherwise ends in a vowel: ja ulybajus' I am smiling on ulybajets'a he is smiling ona ulybnulas' she gave a smile on ulybnuls'a he gave a smile A complicating factor is the behavior of this ending when attached to a verb that has been made into a participle (=morphologically an adjective). The ending always shows up as -s'a in participles, even is the form otherwise ends in a vowel: ulybajushchijs'a mal'chik the smiling boy ulybajushchajas'a devochka the smiling girl Hope that's the type of thing you were looking for! -K. ========================================================= 26] Ingo Plag, Reference and discussion From: "Ingo Plag" <> To: John Alderete <> Date: Sun, 9 Dec 2001 12:49:57 +0100 Subject: phonoligical restrictions Dear John, you find a very detailed OT-analysis of the intricate prosodic properties and restrictions of English verbal suffixes (IZE, ATE, IFY) in my 1999 book (chapters 6 and 7). Furthermore, you will find more examples of phonological restrictions in English suffixation in chapter 4 of that book or in my 1996 article in LINGUISTICS. Here is the full reference of the book: Plag, Ingo. 1999. Morphological Productivity. Structural Constraints in English Derivation. Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter. One the basis of my analyses I argue that such phonological restrictions should not be viewed as akind of subcategorization but rather as restrictions on possible output forms (i.e. possible derivatives, i.e. the morphological category) and on the relation of these derived output forms to their bases (=OO-fauthfulness). In this way certain things can be explained that remain unexplained in an input-centered subcategorization theory of phonological restrictions. More detailed discussion of this can be found in my book. Comments and discussion welcome! Looking forward to your summary. Best regards, Ingo Plag ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ Prof. Dr. Ingo Plag English Linguistics Fachbereich 3 Universitaet-Gesamthochschule Siegen Adolf-Reichwein-Str. 2 D-57068 Siegen tel. 0271-740-2560 tel. 0271-740-2349 (secretary) fax 0271-740-3246 e-mail: tel.: 06422-2817 (home) office: room AR-K 103 ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ ========================================================= 27] Mark Aronoff, References From: Subject: Re: query: subcategorization in phonology and morphology (fwd) To: John Alderete <> Date: Mon, 10 Dec 2001 08:54:23 -0500 John, If you don't know Carstairs-McCarthy's piece on phonologically conditioned suppletion (Yearbook of Morphology some 10 years ago), it is the best piece I know on the subject. I am sure that Geert Booij's very recent book Dutch Morphology should have examples. Mark ========================================================= 28] Eric Bakovic', Example of diminutives in Spanish Date: Mon, 10 Dec 2001 11:48:47 -0500 (EST) From: Rutgers Optimality Archive <> Reply-To: To: John Alderete <> Subject: Re: query: subcategorization in phonology and morphology Hey Aldo, it's Eric. (I'm writing from ROA because I don't subscribe to Optimal personally, but you can reply to my account.) The diminutive suffix in Spanish displays allomorphy between -ito/a and -(e)cito/a ('c' = [s] in some dialects, theta in others) depending on a complex set of factors, both phonological (prosodic and otherwise) and morphological. I think Megan Crowhurst wrote a paper about the prosodic conditioning (appeared in Phonology?) in the early 90's, and of course Harris wrote some sort of reply to it (maybe also in Phonology; don't remember), probably berating her for not considering the other conditions. But I think that one of the original sources is the following excellent paper: Jaeggli, Osvaldo. 1980. "Spanish Diminutives." In F. H. Nuessel, Jr. (ed.), Contemporary Studies in Romance Languages, 142-158. IULC. Just to give you a taste, my own name ['erik] takes -ito [eri'kito], but Karen's name ['karen], which is prosodically identical, takes -cita [karen'sita]. Likewise, my brother's name ['boris] takes -ito [bori'sito], while my mom's name ['nansi] takes -cita [nansi'sita]. (Ignore the fact that these particular facts happen to fall along gender lines; this is irrelevant.) It seems to be the final segment that is determining the allomorphy in these cases; consonants like [k] that don't typically make good codas tend to take -ito/a, while good codas like [s] or [n] take -cito/a. There's a morphologically-defined split among vowel-final words; if the vowel is a gender-marking -o/a, then the word takes -ito/a (e.g., ['marta] > [mar'tita], *[marta'sita]), but as you saw with my mom's name above, other vowel-final words take -cito/a. I forget the other details about the allomorphy, but it's all certainly interesting and well worth looking at (if you haven't already done so). Good luck! Let me see this work when you have it ready for viewing. - Eric ========================================================= 29] Andrew Carstairs-McCarthy, References Date: Sun, 16 Dec 2001 21:04:59 -0500 (EST) From: Andrew Carstairs-McCarthy <> Subject: Re: query: subcategorization in phonology and morphology Dear John I discussed a few such instances in my article 'Some implications of phonologically conditioned suppletion', in Yearbook of Morphology 1988. See also my article 'Phonologically conditioned suppletion' in Dressler et al (eds) _Contemporary Morphology_ (Mouton de Gruyter, 1990), and my article in the Spencer-Zwicky _Handbook of Morphology_. Best Andrew - Andrew Carstairs-McCarthy Professor and Head of Department Department of Linguistics, University of Canterbury, Private Bag 4800, Christchurch, New Zealand phone (work) +64-3-364 2211; (home) +64-3-355 5108 fax +64-3-364 2969 e-mail =========================================================

LL Issue: 13.92
Date Posted: 16-Jan-2002
Original Query: Read original query


Sums main page