Date: Tue, 17 Jul 2001 09:11:06 -0400 From: Sean Hanrahan <seanrahanhotmail.com> Subject: Phonology: Distinctiveness, Coercion and Sonority
Bruce Mor�n, Georgetown University, DISTINCTIVENESS, COERCION
AND SONORITY: A Unified Theory of Weight
Careful inspection of cross-linguistic vowel length and consonant
weight leads to the undeniable conclusion that a unified theory of
moraicity across segment types is warranted. This book provides such
a unified theory. Central to this work is that claim that there are
two types of weight - coerced and distinctive. Coerced weight is a
restriction on surface moraicity in some phonological context and is
subject to distributional restrictions based on sonority. This
implication is relevant not only to vowel length, but also to
consonant weight. In contrast, distinctive weight is an underlying
moraicity that is reflected in a surface contrast and not bound by
sonority. Using optimality theory, overall weight patterns are shown
to arise as the result of the factorial ranking of three constraint
families: faithfulness, general markedness and coercive markedness. By
looking at weight from an optimality theoretic perspective, a simple
mechanism emerges that straightforwardly accounts for phenomena that
were previously considered separate and accountable via different
mechanisms. The unified weight theory not only challenges
traditionally held beliefs regarding the vowel/consonant dichotomy and
inherent moraicity, but it has the potential to illuminate any number
of weight/mora related segmental and prosodic phenomena such as (inter
alia) feature neutralization, stress, tone, and language acquisition.
Outstanding Dissertations in Linguistics series.
Date: Tue, 17 Jul 2001 09:11:45 -0400 From: Sean Hanrahan <seanrahanhotmail.com> Subject: Phonology: An Effort Based Approach to Consonant Lenition
Robert Kirchner, University of Alberta, AN EFFORT BASED
APPROACH TO CONSONANT LENITION
Despite the pervasiveness of lenition in the sound systems of natural
language, this class of patterns has eluded adequate characterization
in previous theories of phonology. Specifically, previous theories
have failed to capture formally the phonetic unity of the various
lenition processes (e.g. degemination, voicing, spirantization,
debuccalization, deletion), or to account for the environments in
which lenition typically occurs that presents a unified approach to
consonant lenition, wherein particular lenition patterns arise from
Optimality Theoretic conflict between a principle of effort
minimization and faithfulness to auditory features, in combination
with (perceptually-based) fortition constraints. It is further
demonstrated that this effort-based approach straightforwardly
accounts for a number of generalizations, drawn from a survey of 272
grammars: Geminate stops never lenite unless they concomitantly
degeminate. Unaffricated stops never synchronically spirantize to
strident fricatives. All else being equal, lenition occurs more
readily the greater the openness of the flanking segments (the widely
attested pattern of intervocalic lenition being a special case).
Lenition occurs more readily the faster or more casual the speech.
The approach is illustrated with case studies of lenition in Tumpisa
Shoshone and Florentine Italian. This book represents a significant
contribution to the current debate on the role of phonetic
optimalization in phonological theory. Outstanding Dissertations in
Linguistics series.
Preface
Acknowledgments
List of Figures
List of Tables
1 Introduction
2 Articulatory Effort
3 Representational Issues
4 Spirantization and Stridency
5 Geminates
6 Effort-Based Contexts
7 T�mpisa Shoshone
8 Florentine Italian
9 Conclusion: Stabalization of Lenition Patterns
Appendix: Survey of Lenition Patterns
Notes
References
Index
Date: Tue, 17 Jul 2001 09:13:08 -0400 From: Sean Hanrahan <seanrahanhotmail.com> Subject: Phonology: Minimal Indirect Reference by Amanda Seidl
Amanda Seidl, John Hopkins University, MINIMAL INDIRECT
REFERENCE: A Theory of the Syntax-Phonology Interface
This book investigates the nature of the relationship between
phonology and syntax and proposes a theory of Minimal Indirect
Reference that solves many classic problems relating to the topic.
Seidl shows that all variation across languages in phonological domain
size is due to syntactic differences and a single domain parameter
specific to phonology. Outstanding Dissertations in Linguistics
series.
Routledge September 2001 160 pp
Hb: 0 415 93737 X $60.00 �50.00
Preface
List of abbreviations
1. Introduction
2. Domain Paradoxes
3. Contrasting Various Recent Phonological Domain Generators
4. The Minimal Indirect Reference approach
5. MIR Applied to the Bantu Data
6. Revisiting the Visibility Conditions on Rules
7. Kaisse (1985) and MIR
8. Conclusion
Notes
Bibliography
Index
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