LINGUIST List 12.2155

Tue Sep 4 2001

Review: Floyd, Evidentials in Wanka Quechua

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  • Bernd Ruppel, Review of Floyd, Evidential categories in Wanka Quechua

    Message 1: Review of Floyd, Evidential categories in Wanka Quechua

    Date: Tue, 04 Sep 2001 17:37:39 +0200
    From: Bernd Ruppel <bernd.ruppeluni-erfurt.de>
    Subject: Review of Floyd, Evidential categories in Wanka Quechua


    Floyd, Rick (1999) The structure of Evidential Categories in Wanka Quechua. Summer Institute of Linguistics (Publications in Linguistics 131), 206pp, ISBN 1-55671-066-6, $29.00.

    Review by: Bernd Ruppel, Department of Linguistics, University of Erfurt

    I. GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS

    The book by Rick Floyd presents an investigation of the evidential markers of Wanka Quechua (or Huanca Quechua), a language spoken in the central Andean highlands of Peru. The intended audience are students and researchers who are interested in evidentiality or epistemic modality or people studying Quechuan languages. The book can be divided into three parts

    1) Theoretical and methodological prerequisites (pp. 1-55; chs. 1-3) 2) Semantic analysis of the three evidential markers '- -m(i)', 'chr(a)', '-sh(i)' (the vowel of each morpheme is dropped when it is followed by an open syllable) (pp. 57- 159; chs. 4-6) 3) An application of concepts developed within the framework of cognitive grammar to the analysis of the Wanka evidential markers (pp. 161-194; ch. 7).

    Some parts of the book (some parts of chs. 4-6) seem to have been published separately earlier according to footnotes on pp. 57, 93, 123.

    II. DESCRIPTION OF CONTENTS

    Chapter 1 A very brief overview of the discovery and research on evidential categories is given followed by an outline of the present work, and a list of texts that are used for analysis in this study. Floyd (henceforth F.) decided to use mainly conversations assuming that this kind of texts represents instances of "prototypical language use" (p. 6). The end of the chapter consists in a brief introduction into the Wanka language. Important for the present study is an information given only at the end of the book: evidential marking is not obligatory in Wanka Quechua, around 31% of the utterances in F.'s sample don't show evidential marking (p. 189).

    Chapter 2 In agreement with Anderson (1986) F. defined the core notion of evidentiality as "the encoding of the information source on which a speaker bases a proposition" (p. 13). Following the divisions made by Willett (1988) different kinds of evidential marking are explained. F. draws a semantic map of evidential meanings with three main parts: a) source of information is the speaker's direct perception, b) source of information is the speaker's inference, c) source of information is based on reports. Evidential markers may have validational meanings too (expression of the speaker's commitment to the truth of a proposition). Ordered on a scale from high commitment to low commitment F. argues that inference implies lower commitment than direct or reportative evidence, which doesn't say anything about the speaker's commitment in Wanka Quechua. At the end of this chapter F. gives an outline of the syntactic behaviour of Wanka evidential markers. They may be attached to almost all lexical classes and tend to appear preverbally after the first major constituent. As for the etymology of this markers, it is suggested that they are borrowed from the neighbouring language Aymara.

    Chapter 3 F. is using notions and models of cognitive grammar in his semantic analysis of the Wanka evidentials. Fundamental notions such as 'base', 'profile', 'domain' and 'construal' are introduced. He aims to describe the meaning of an evidential marker as a semantic network. A semantic network is composed of several uses of a lexical item which are interrelated through partial meaning resemblance. Within the network one meaning is termed prototypical. The prototypical meaning of a lexical item is one which is most "salient", i.e. it comes up most likely in neutral contexts. A feature which is present in all uses of a lexical item is termed the schematic meaning of this item.

    Chapter 4 F. deals with the Wanka evidential marker '-m(i)'. Its prototypical use according to F. is the coding of direct experience of an event. This comprises visual, auditory and other kinds of perception. Even events occurring in dreams are construed as perceived directly. Since direct evidence points to great reliability, '-m(i)' is also used, when the speaker wants to emphasize the truth of the proposition he is making. That means, schematically 'm(i)' is denoting the speaker's certainty. F. gives some examples where speakers are telling about an event which they were not able to perceive directly, but still are using the direct evidential marker, in order to exemplify this usage. A second related non-prototypical use is the marking of firm predictions about the future (mainly first person) and the use of this morpheme for making strong suggestions to the addressee. Compare F.'s example from p. 84: "shramu-nki-m" 'come-2-DIR' (DIR = direct evidential) "You will come (directive)". Finally '-m(i)' is used in direct questions. F. explains this usage as a shift of the observer position from the speaker to the addressee. Whereas in assertions the speaker is prototypically the one who perceives the event, in questions the addressee is construed as potential experiencer. The marker of yes/no questions 'chun' is analysed as 'chu' + 'm' (NEG + 'm(i)').

    Chapter 5 This chapter is devoted to the study of the marker '-chr(a)'. Its prototypical meaning is the coding of inferences (the speaker infers an event from his observation of another event) and guesses (the speaker simply speculates). This use is the one which occurs most often with '-chr(a)' in F.'s database (67% out of 201 instances, [p. 95, n. 32]). This is the prototypical use. F. lists five non-prototypical uses: a) the marking of mild exhortations (this meaning occurs, when the event in consideration lies in the future and the actor is a second person) b) the marking of acquiescence (the speaker concedes something, he isn't able to avoid), c) use marking of questions. According to F. the occurrence of '-chr(a)' in questions implies that the speaker doesn't think that the addressee could give an exact answer. Or it is used in questions that aren't expected to be answered anyway, e. g. (p.113) "may-chruu-chra gasta-y-pa paawa-alu-n" where-LOC-CONJ spend-NOM-GEN finish-ASP-3 "I wonder where he spent it all." (NOM = Nominalizer, LOC = Locative, CONJ = Conjecture, GEN = Genitive, ASP = aspect), d) use in ironical remarks, where the speaker suggests something he doesn't believe e) use in "first person inferences" (p. 118), a usage which resembles very the ironical meaning, e.g. ya'a trabaju-u-ta-chra-a upya-ka-mu-u I work-1P-ACC-CONJ-TOP drink-REF-AFAR-1 (REF = reflexive; AFAR = translocative (at a distance) Lit: (I suppose) I drink my work (i.e.,what I earn). This sentence is interpreted by F. as "I drink, and what's it to ya?".

    Chapter 6 This chapter examines the reportative suffix '-sh(i)'. F. lists four contexts, where this suffix is used: a) to mark hearsay, b) in folktales, c) in riddles, d) in challenges. The prototypical use of this suffix is the marking of hearsay. Its occurrence in folktales therefore is not a surprise. Rather puzzling, however, are the uses c) and d). By the latter term F. designates a formulaic expression by which the speaker asks the addressee to join him/her in some action. This is exemplified by the following sentence spoken by someone who invites the addressee to join a vigil contest (p. 148, E 188): maa mayan-ninchik-shi waala-shrun PART which-12P-REP dawn-12FUT Let's see which of us lasts till morning. (PART = Particle, 12P = first inclusive possessive, REP = Reportative, 12 = first person inclusive) In riddles (use c) the reportative evidential occurs in the opening line (p. 142, E 182), cp. ima-lla-sh ayka-lla-sh what-LIM-REP how_much-LIM-REP What is it? How much? (LIM = limitative (just)) F. tries to explain the use in riddles by the similarity between folktales and riddles, for both belong to the oral tradition of this community. Furthermore F. thinks that '-sh(i)' bears some mirative meaning (expressing surprise about some event), since the outcome of a riddle is totally unexpected. This sense is according to him the link to the use of '-sh(i)' in challenges (see above). In challenges, too, the outcome is unexpected and thus the use of '-sh(i)' could be explained. In the last section of this chapter F. considers the question, whether '-sh(i)' bears some validational meaning as well. He draws the conclusion, that there may be contexts in which such a meaning is implied but he sees this purely as a by-product of the evidential meaning.

    Chapter 7 In this chapter F. applies some notions of cognitive grammar to Wanka Quechua, e.g. the notions of directness and proximity. By proximity the relative distance between two construed entities is meant, e.g. between now and some past event. Using the notion of directness F. explained the crucial difference between '-m(i)', which implies direct experience and the other two evidential markers. The validational meanings of '-m(i)' and '-chr(a)' are discussed in terms of proximity. The direct evidential marks a proposition which is incorporated into the speaker's reality, whereas '-chr(a)' marks a proposition as being outside the speaker's reality. Reality is here understood as the domain the conceptualizer has access to.

    EVALUATION 1. Methodology F. tries to comprehend the meaning of each of the Wanka evidentials in terms of a semantic network. This approach is useful and allows for a general description of the meaning of an grammatical item. There are, however, some limits to this approach. Especially the implicit claim that each synchronic use of a certain morpheme is related to another by some semantic resemblance, seems to be unwarranted. Imagine some diachronic change such that a meaning 'B' develops out of a meaning 'A', and 'C' out of 'B'. There may be no connection between 'A' and 'C', but as long as 'B' is present, one can readily establish the resemblance between 'A', 'B' and 'C'. But if 'B' disappears, it can be impossible to see, how 'A' and 'C' are related to each other. This situation can be exemplified by the French negative marker 'pas': A B C 'pas' = step 'pas' as second 'pas' as negation part of negation e.g., "Pas si vite!" 'ne...pas' The connection between 'A' and 'C' can only be constituted, if one knows 'B'. If 'B' disappears, there is no resemblance between 'A' and 'C'. This means, that one should allow for the possibility that synchronically may exist some uses of the Wanka evidentials which aren't related to other current uses.

    2. Analysis of '-sh(i)' This morpheme has two uses that are clearly correlated with each other: marking of hearsay and folktales. In both situations the speaker says something, he has heard from other people. Riddles, too, can be said to be part of the oral tradition of a community and therefore are marked by '-sh(i)'. F. assumes that in riddles the hearsay evidential bears some mirative meaning(for this category, see DeLancey 1997), because something new and unexpected is revealed. According to F. this is also the clue for the understanding of the use of this marker in challenges, too.

    I think this analysis is debatable. If there were a mirative meaning in 'sh(i)', it should be present in declarative sentences, too. F. doesn't explain why the supposed mirative meaning is present only in the opening question of riddles and in challenges (cf. above to chapter 6) introduced by 'maa'. The highly restricted occurrence may be a hint, that we are dealing with relicts of some older meaning of this morpheme which needn't be related to its current usage.

    3. Open questions As F. himself points out (p. 193) there remain some points which would be worth to investigate further: a) which utterances needn't be marked by an evidential marker at all? b) what relationship does exist between the evidential markers and other modality markers (e.g. the potential marker)? c) how does the position of the marker affect the meaning of the sentence?

    REFERENCES DeLancey, Scott, Mirativity, "Linguistic typology", 1:33-52

    Palmer, Frank R., 1986, "Mood and modality", Cambridge

    Willett, Thomas, 1988, A cross-linguistic survey of the grammaticization of evidentiality, "Studies in Language" 12:51-97

    BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH: Bernd Ruppel is graduate student at Erfurt University. He is writing his thesis about epistemic modality in Latin.