LINGUIST List 13.2116

Fri Aug 16 2002

Review: Linguistic Theories: Bybee & Hopper, ed. (2001)

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  • Ahmad R. Lotfi, Bybee & Hopper (2001) Frequency and the Emergence of Linguistic Structure

    Message 1: Bybee & Hopper (2001) Frequency and the Emergence of Linguistic Structure

    Date: Mon, 12 Aug 2002 23:04:21 +0000
    From: Ahmad R. Lotfi <arlotfiyahoo.com>
    Subject: Bybee & Hopper (2001) Frequency and the Emergence of Linguistic Structure


    Bybee, Joan, and Paul Hopper, ed. (2001) Frequency and the Emergence of Linguistic Structure. John Benjamins Publishing Company, vii+480pp, paperback ISBN 1-58811-028-1, USD 42.95, hardback ISBN 1-58811-027-3, USD 125.00, Typological Studies in Language 45.

    Book Announcement on Linguist: http://linguistlist.org/get-book.html?BookID=2388

    Ahmad Reza Lotfi, Azad University at Khorasgan

    SYNOPSIS

    "Frequency and the Emergence of Linguistic Structure" is a collection of revised papers presented in a symposium at Carnegie Mellon University (1999). In addition to the introductory paper by Bybee and Hopper, the volume contains 19 articles organised in 4 parts: (1) patterns of use, (2) word-level frequency effects, (3) phrases and constructions, and (4) general.

    Part One: Patterns of use (3 articles)

    Sandra A. Thompson and Paul J. Hopper in their "Transitivity, clause structure, and argument structure: Evidence from conversation" examine conversational data from an English database and argue that (English) conversation is very low in transitivity to the effect that the number of participants is low (only in 27% of cases there are 2 or more participants), and the clauses mainly depict non-action, atelic, non-punctual, non-volitional events. They further argue that more useful constructions have a better chance to become structuralised.

    Joanne Scheibman's "Local patterns of subjectivity in person and verb type in American English conversation" is an analysis of conversational data from audiotaped informal conversations among friends and family members. Subjectivity--the speakers' ability to view themselves as subjects--is usually characterised with the use of 1st person singular and also such verbs as feel, believe, and suppose. Scheibman shows that the most frequent subjects are 3rd person singular, 1st person singular, and 2nd person singular respectively. Relational, material, cognition, and verbal verb types are the most frequent ones. Finally, most of the predicates are expressed with the present tense.

    "Paths to prepositions? A corpus-based study of the acquisition of a lexico-grammatical category" by Naomi Hallan focuses on what Bowerman (1996) calls path morphemes--multi-functional word forms such as 'over' and 'on' in English that seem to be primarily locative in interpretation. Child and adult data are examined to show which function (phrasal or prepositional) is acquired first.

    Part Two: Word-level frequency effects (5 articles)

    Betty S. Phillips in her "Lexical diffusion, lexical frequency, and lexical analysis" offers a refinement of the Frequency-Action Hypothesis to the effect that "sound changes which require analysis--whether syntactic, morphological, or phonological--during their implementation affect the least frequent words first; others affect the most frequent words first" (p.123). Diachronic data from English are given in support of this hypothesis.

    Janet B. Pierrehumbert's "Exemplar dynamics: word frequency, lenition and contrast" provides a formal architecture that is claimed to describe how word-specific phonetic detail interacts with general phonological principles in terms of exemplar theory. She concludes that we learn phonological categories by remembering their labelled tokens.

    In their "Emergent phonotactic generalizations in English and Arabic", Stefan A. Frisch, Nathan R. Large, Bushra Zawaydeh, and David B. Pisoni maintain that emergent phonotactic grammar is grounded in the lexicon with its effects observed at multiple levels of abstraction. While well-formedness judgements in English reveal that the probability of a new word implies its phonotactic well-formedness, Arabic data are ambiguous in that "it is difficult to draw a clear line between influences due to the phonotactic grammar and influences due to the use of that grammar in a metalinguistic task" (p. 176).

    Mary L. Hare, Michael Ford, and William D. Marslen-Wilson in "Ambiguity and frequency effects in regular verb inflection" report two experiments (writing to dictation, and primed lexical decision) designed to examine the question of whether relative past tense/homophone frequency has any effect on the speed of access for irregular verbs. "Both experiments show effects of past tense frequency that are, if anything, stronger in the regularly inflected items than in irregulars" (p. 196). This means that no dual mechanism is needed for the lexical representation of regular and irregular verbs.

    "Frequency, regularity and the paradigm: A perspective from Russian on a complex relation" (Greville Corbett, Andrew Hippisley, Dunstan Brown, and Paul Marriott) is also concerned with the question of whether frequency affects only the irregular forms of a lexeme or all its manifestations. The data come from Russian, a language with sufficient cells on its noun paradigms for this type of investigation. The data support the hypothesis that "there is a relation between absolute plural anomaly and irregularity" (p. 219) while no evidence is found to relate irregularity to the high relative frequency of any cell in the paradigm.

    Part Three: Phrases and constructions (8 articles)

    Daniel Jurafsky, Alan Bell, Michelle Gregory, and William D. Raymond in "Probabilistic relations between words: Evidence from reduction in lexical production" examine the Probabilistic Reduction Hypothesis according to which word forms with a higher probability are more often reduced. The results of their corpus study suggest that all in all "more probable words are reduced, whether they are content or function words" (p. 246).

    "Frequency effects and word-boundary palatalization in English" by Nathan Bush is an analysis of the corpus from CHILDES project. The palatalization of /d/ and /j/ in *would you* is more regular and typical than that in *good you*. The study shows that word- boundary palatalization is more probable when the words occur together with high frequency.

    Catie Berkenfield's "The role of frequency in the realization of English *that*" addresses the phonological structure and representation of four types of *that* in English, namely, Demonstrative pronoun, Demonstrative adjective, Relative clause marker, and Complementizer. The study shows that as the functional category of the token becomes more frequent, its vowel duration decreases. Berkenfield concludes that each function is represented independently in the lexicon.

    "Frequency, iconicity, categorization: Evidence from emerging modals" (Manfred G. Krug) is concerned with the interaction of discourse frequency, iconicity, and categorization during early stages of grammaticalization. He proposes that such structures as BE GOING TO, HAVE TO, and WANT TO are going through a process of changing their categorial status under the influence of discourse frequency. "Frequency of use facilitates (phonetic) ... variation ... . In an iconicity-driven cognitive process, structurally similar variants are selected, which leads to a convergence of items belonging to a category" (p. 328).

    Joan Bybee in her "Frequency effects on French liaison" makes a distinction between two types of sandhi variation: (a) phonetically-conditioned sandhi applying whenever the appropriate phonetic environment is available, and (b) (external)sandhi NOT phonetically conditioned so that it applies across word boundaries only in specific constructions. In case of French liaison, Bybee shows that the second type only occurs in high frequency constructions. She concludes that phrases and constructions share many properties with morphologically complex words: "[i]n a model in which memory storage includes not just individual words, but also phrases and constructions, lexicon and grammar are not strictly separated, but are integrated and subject to the same organizational principles" (p. 357).

    "The role of frequency in the specialization of the English anterior" by K. Aaron Smith is a diachronic study of the BE/HAVE + PP constructions in Old and Modern English. Smith argues that the takeover of the HAVE construction in Modern English is a case of specialization in which HAVE replaced BE with low frequency words first and then with high frequency ones. He concludes that morphology can in many cases be "a diachronic reflex of a more grammaticized syntax" as frequency makes it possible for language users to store an entire syntactic construction in their memory.

    Joyce Tang Boyland in "Hypercorrect pronoun case in English? Cognitive processes that account for pronoun usage" examines non-standard syntactic constructions such as 'the possible misunderstanding between you and I' or 'thanks to all whom helped me' that show prestige forms 'X AND I' and 'WHOM'. The corpus study of the phenomena suggests that hypercorrect usage is not only sociolinguistically but also cognitively motivated: "More frequently encountered and thus highly activated constructions are more likely to be used subsequently, by other speakers, in other utterances, and in other clauses" (p. 402).

    "Variability, frequency, and productivity in the irrealis domain of French" by Shana Poplack is a study of natural conversation with the analytical tools of Variation Theory. The data are taken from Corpus du francais a Ottawa Hull (1989). Three areas of French irrealis--the subjunctive mood, the inflected future, and conditional modality--are examined. As far as the subjunctive is concerned, a frequency-based analysis is a reasonable account of the facts. For the other two, however, the analysis fails.

    Part Four: General (3 articles)

    Gertraud Fenk-Oczlon in "Familiarity, information flow, and linguistic form" focuses on how cognitive costs, frequency, and linguistic forms are related. Frequency is the only quantifiable independent variable in this respect. It lowers cognitive costs, which in turn influence linguistic forms.

    "Emergentist approaches to language" by Brian MacWhinney is a review of some major issues in the study of language as an emergent behaviour with six different levels of emergence, namely, evolutionary emergence, epigenetic emergence, emergence from local maps, emergence from functional circuits, grounded emergence, and diachronic emergence.

    Oesten Dahl's "Inflationary effects in language and elsewhere" is a comparison of economy and language in monetary terms: people multiply conventionally-valued objects (e.g. by over-titling someone: using *man* and *gentleman* or *woman* and *lady* synonymously) to "buy" positive reactions. "[I]nflation is the unintended result of (such) intentional actions" (p. 472).

    CRITICAL EVALUATION:

    The collection contains very insightful articles on the issues of the highest interest to phoneticians, morphologists, syntacticians, cognitive linguists and psycholinguists. They represent the very healthy attitude of the recent years to focus on the question of possible relationships between abstract linguistic structures and issues in performance captured in empirical terms. Although functionalists have been concerned with language use and its realisations in grammar, an emergentist, frequency-based analysis of the issue had never received the attention the topic deserves. This volume of papers on such issues sheds light on the importance of the issue, and how a target as easy (in terms of empirical inquiry) as frequency of linguistic elements can explain structural complexities. The articles in this volume remind us of the fact that there are times when the true explanation of the phenomena under study is so readily available to the researcher that the they tend to simply ignore it and dig the unexplored corners of world to find an answer.

    Although the authors never claim that frequency can explain everything there in linguistic structures, the very empirical availability of the issue now seems to pave the way for the unjustified temptation to stick to frequency as the sole solution to our problems in the study of structure. There seem to be two major issues left out in this respect. Firstly, nowhere in the collection they explain why these and not other linguistic elements have happened to be so highly frequent in the discourse. Is the frequency of use to be explained in terms of communicative demands of speakers (an E-language approach), or on the other hand, some innately available elements of Universal Grammar are behind it (an I-language approach), or both? In other words, the authors ignore the question of whether frequency is a cause or an effect when it comes to linguistic structures. The alternative explanation is to claim that some cognitive/innate predisposition towards certain linguistic structures brings about the high frequency of certain elements but not others. Secondly, no mention is made of those cases where frequency has no tangible effects on grammar: some structures stay with us although they are not necessarily high in frequency. For instance, such structures as "the mouse the cat chased ran away" (let alone those structures with three NPs followed by three VPs) do not seem to be very high in frequency nor very readily available in terms of mental processing (hence not very useful, one dares say), but still quite grammatical when it comes to native-speakers' judgements.

    Personally I did not like the arrangement of the articles. Perhaps the collection would be more friendly to a non-specialist if general articles had appeared first (or perhaps if a more comprehensive introduction to the subject had opened the volume). Finally, some articles are still in need of editing and proof-reading. For instance, on page 438 it reads "[s]ome examples from Fenk-Oczlon (1989a) are figured in Table 1" while the table in question (p.437) figures some data from Josselson (1953) and Thorndike and Lorge (1944) instead. Or Dahl (pages 471 and 473) drops the definite article in the expression *on the one hand* two times.

    REFERENCE

    Bowerman, M. 1996. The origins of children's spatial semantic categories: cognitive versus linguistic determinants. In: Rethinking linguistic relativity, J. J. Gumperz and S. Levinson, eds. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

    ABOUT THE REVIEWER

    Dr. Ahmad R. Lotfi, Assistant Professor of linguistics at the English Department of Azad University (Khorasgan, IRAN) where he teaches linguistics to graduate students of TESOL. His research interests include (minimalist) syntax, second language acquisition, and Persian linguistics.