LINGUIST List 15.1005

Thu Mar 25 2004

Diss: Syntax: Sifaki: 'EPP Satisfiers...'

Editor for this issue: Takako Matsui <takolinguistlist.org>

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  • evisifaki, EPP Satisfiers: Verb-Initial Orders in Greek

    Message 1: EPP Satisfiers: Verb-Initial Orders in Greek

     Date: Thu, 25 Mar 2004 04:12:05 -0500 (EST)
    From: evisifaki <evisifakiyahoo.com>
    Subject: EPP Satisfiers: Verb-Initial Orders in Greek


    Institution: University of York, UK Program: Department of Language and Linguistic Science Dissertation Status: Completed Degree Date: 2004

    Author: Evi Sifaki

    Dissertation Title: EPP Satisfiers: Verb-Initial Orders in Greek

    Linguistic Field: Syntax

    Subject Language: Greek (code: GRK)

    Dissertation Director 1: George Tsoulas Dissertation Director 2: Kook-Hee Gil Dissertation Director 3: Anna Roussou

    Dissertation Abstract:

    This thesis explores to what extent the narrow syntactic component (NS) is perfect. To support this hypothesis, the present study looks into detail on the type of featural requirement the Extended Projection Principle (EPP) represents. Evidence towards the direction that EPP can no longer express the requirement that a certain position in the clausal architecture (SpecIP) is 'reserved' for DP-lexical subjects, is brought in from English locative inversion paradigms, imperatives, and subjectless constructions which are unable to account for the deletion of the EPP-feature through movement of the subject. Another group of languages that systematically raises questions on the mode of EPP-satisfaction is that of Null-Subject Languages (NSLs) which have the option of allowing for null subjects and moreover display at least one type of subject inverted order (i.e., VSO, VOS). In addition, NSLs do not display any D(efiniteness) R(estriction) effects, indication that points towards the absence of overt or covert expletives in the system of these languages. For this reason the only mode of EPP-satisfaction that concerns us in this thesis is Move/Merge XP.

    The fact that various XPs (i.e. PPs, VPs, etc.) may appear in SpecIP, forces us to reconsider the featural requirement EPP expresses (i.e. as a D-feature in I). It is therefore argued that EPP is a more generalised feature. Ado(a)pting theoretical assumptions entertained in Holmberg (2000), I test the hypothesis that EPP comprises a D and a P(honological) feature. Therefore, I assume that for EPP to be deleted, a phonologically overt syntactic category needs to bear an interpretable D-feature, in order to raise to SpecIP to satisfy both features in one go.

    This more general status of the EPP is theoretically supported by recent Minimalist advances (Chomsky 2002) through which EPP is viewed as the only formal trigger for movement in NS. Additional theoretical arguments that support the more general requirement EPP expresses are derived from recent assumptions which associate EPP-driven movement with discourse-related/semantic effects (cf. Chomsky 2002). I argue, in line with Chomsky (2002), that even though only syntactic features are allowed to operate in NS, yet the expressions present in the derivation may receive an appropriate semantic interpretation (edge phenomena/topic, focus, specific, etc.) by the Semantic Component (SC) simply by being dislocated for EPP-satisfaction reasons.This assumption implies that NS facilitates operations of SC and PC simply by placing elements in such positions in the clausal skeleton that receive an appropriate semantic/prosodic interpretation by the relevant components. The present study also proposes that EPP may be present in every single functional projection, since it is the only feature that induces movement in NS.

    The empirical basis to test the above theoretical assumptions is offered by verb-initial orders in NSLs, and more specifically from Greek. These verb-initial orders in Greek are viewed as the result of VP-Preposing for EPP-satisfaction reasons, an analysis that accounts not only for the different word orders, but also for the variability in focus/stress assignment patterns attested in these orders. In effect, I dispense with the generation of Topic and Focus Projections in the clausal architecture, and I argue that no discourse-related features are allowed to drive operations in syntax, thus, allowing NS to retain a certain degree of autonomy.

    In the last chapter it is shown that verb-initial impersonal constructions in NSLs question the mode of satisfaction of the D-feature of the EPP. Therefore, the present work tentatively concludes that EPP may simply represent a P-feature.