LINGUIST List 17.2784
Wed Sep 27 2006
Diss: Syntax: Lee: 'The Korean Internally-Headed Relative Clause Co...'
Editor for this issue: Hannah Morales
<hannahlinguistlist.org>
Directory
1. Jeongrae
Lee,
The Korean Internally-Headed Relative Clause Construction: Its morphological, syntactic and semantic aspects
Message 1: The Korean Internally-Headed Relative Clause Construction: Its morphological, syntactic and semantic aspects
Date: 26-Sep-2006
From: Jeongrae Lee <realmonggmail.com>
Subject: The Korean Internally-Headed Relative Clause Construction: Its morphological, syntactic and semantic aspects
Institution: University of Arizona
Program: Department of Linguistics
Dissertation Status: Completed
Degree Date: 2006
Author: Jeongrae Lee
Dissertation Title: The Korean Internally-Headed Relative Clause Construction: Its morphological, syntactic and semantic aspects
Linguistic Field(s):
Syntax
Dissertation Director:
Andrew Barss
Heidi B. Harley
Simin Karimi
Rudolph C. Troike
Dissertation Abstract:
This dissertation investigates the morpho-syntactic and semantic aspects ofthe Korean IHRC (internally-headed relative clause) construction, which hasits semantic head within the relative clause, the relative clause beingfollowed by the morpheme 'kes.'
As for the status of 'kes,' I argue it is a pronoun, positioned under D orN, depending on whether 'kes' stands alone or is modified by ademonstrative. In either case, the IHRC receives the same semanticinterpretation as non-restrictive relative clause.
I argue the relative clause contains a full clause including TP, exhibitinga full range of tense and aspect distinction. I provide a morphologicalanalysis of the IHRC predicate, identifying the contribution of eachmorpheme, and the status with respect to the root predicate.
I adopt phase theory to explain the fact that the internal head cannot beembedded within more than one phase boundary. An uninterpretable feautre onC in the relative clause is checked against a matching interpretablefeature on the internal head--DP or the event vP--, and the index of theinternal head this percolates up to CP. The modified pro has the same indexas the CP and the internal head. An interesting syntactic contrast between'kes' as D and 'kes' as N is that an island effect emerges in the lattercase. This is explained by adopting Johnson (2004)'s account of adjunctislands. When 'kes' is a D, the relative clause is the same workspace asthe matrix clause, while 'kes' is an N, the relative clause is the separateworkspace.
For the semantic aspects of the IHRC, I noted when the semantic head isambiguous ebtween the subject and another element in the embedded clause,the subject is always favored as a semantic head. This phenomenon can beexplained by the minimal link condition: the subject is the closestposition to check the uninterpretable feaure on C, adapting Lin (2006).
Also, split-antecedent reading and VP adjunct head readings are coercioneffects of event-interruption reading produced in certain circumstancesbetween the matrix event and the embedded event.
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