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Voice Quality

By John H. Esling, Scott R. Moisik, Allison Benner, Lise Crevier-Buchman

Voice Quality "The first description of voice quality production in forty years, this book provides a new framework for its study: The Laryngeal Articulator Model. Informed by instrumental examinations of the laryngeal articulatory mechanism, it revises our understanding of articulatory postures to explain the actions, vibrations and resonances generated in the epilarynx and pharynx."


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Let's Talk

By David Crystal

Let's Talk "Explores the factors that motivate so many different kinds of talk and reveals the rules we use unconsciously, even in the most routine exchanges of everyday conversation."



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Dissertation Information


Title: Clauses without 'that': The case for bare sentential complementation in English Add Dissertation
Author: Cathal Doherty Update Dissertation
Email: click here to access email
Homepage: http://www.ucd.ie/~linguist/doherty.html
Institution: University of California, Santa Cruz, Department of Linguistics
Completed in: 1993
Linguistic Subfield(s): Syntax;
Subject Language(s): English
Director(s): William Ladusaw
James McCloskey
Sandra Chung
Donka Farkas

Abstract: This dissertation argues for the `IP-hypothesis' of the structure of finite subordinate clauses without complementizers, such as the complement and relative clauses below:

I said [it was true.]
the chest [the key opened]

That is, it argues that the bracketed constituents above are bare finite clauses (IP) as opposed to CP with a phonologically null head (the 'CP-hypothesis').

This proposal has some broad theoretical consequences which are outlined in Chapter 1, e.g. it supports the claim of Chomsky 1986a and Gazdar et alia 1985 that 'S' is a maximal projection, contra the position that S is non-maximal (Bresnan 1982). The more specific theoretical and empirical consequences of the IP-hypothesis are investigated in the three major chapters of this dissertation.

In Chapter 2, evidence for the IP-hypothesis of the structure of \\f2that\\f1-less argument clauses is presented and the question of their distribution addressed: one possible objection to the IP-hypothesis is that it is incompatible with the ECP account of the distribution of these clauses (Stowell 1981). However, it is argued that the ECP account faces enough conceptual and empirical problems that its loss is not an objection to the IP-hypothesis.

Chapter 3 presents evidence for the IP-hypothesis of 'that-less' relatives (contact clauses). It is argued that the relative head directly A'-binds the gap in these constructions, without the apparatus of operator movement. This proposal forms the basis of an explanation of the similarities and differences between contact and other `full' relative clauses and also provides an explanation of the adjacency condition to which these clauses are subject.

In Chapter 4 the implications of the IP-hypothesis for extraction theory, specifically for the 'that-trace' effect, are explored. It is argued that the proposal allows for a maximal reduction of previous accounts based on the head-government relation (Rizzi 1990).

Finally, Chapter 5 contains some concluding remarks and a preview of what the extension of the IP-hypothesis to the nonfinite domain might entail.