Date: Tue, 20 Sep 2005 00:07:59 +0300 (EEST) From: Anca Gata Subject: Temporalité et attitude: Structuration du discours et expression de la modalité
EDITORS: Molendijk, Arie; Vet, Co TITLE: Temporalité et attitude SUBTITLE: Structuration du discours et expression de la modalité SERIES: Cahiers Chronos 12 PUBLISHER: Rodopi YEAR: 2005
Anca Gata, Department of Applied Modern Languages, "Dunarea de Jos" University, Galati, Romania
INTRODUCTION
'Temporalité et attitude' brings together papers presented at the 5th Chronos Colloquium, hosted by the University of Groningen in June 2002, collected in the 12th issue of the series "Cahiers Chronos". It offers valuable contributions on discourse structure, modality, temporality and aspect in French, English, Polish and Serbo-Croatian, mainly from a pragmatic perspective. It is due to the work of the research group "Modalities of Fiction" at l'Université du Littoral - Côte d'Opale, France, in collaboration with the University of Groningen, The Netherlands. This book consists of 15 papers preceded by the editors' introduction, which is a summary of the articles. The first seven articles are mainly concerned with modality, while the following eight contributions concentrate on the relationship between temporality and aspectuality. References follow each separate contribution. References having no year mentioned are made to the volume under review itself.
SYNOPSIS
Andrée Borillo deals with the role of temporal adverbs as 'discourse connectives' (see also Borillo 1998, 2002). Adverbs such as PUIS, AUSSITÔT and SOUDAIN -- connective temporal Adverbs -- display a temporal value and connect logically or argumentatively discourse structures, to be distinguished from other connectives, which discard their initial / original temporal meaning to acquire other properties. The author claims that there are temporal Adverbs in French, which at the same time preserve their temporal meaning and acquire a completely new function, displayed at discourse level. According to the author, such devices are about 20 in French, yet they are not seen as a compact category. Nevertheless, their detached initial position in the sentence pleads in favour of their identification as members of such a compact class. Adverbs of successivity, of immediate successivity, of sudden initiation of a process have several discursive characteristics but they do not share them all in the same way, and can thus be distinguished on the basis of these differences.
Anne LeDraoulec examines the behaviour of the French aspectual and temporal adverbs AUSSITÔT and SOUDAIN as discourse connectives. Both render the ideas of rapidity and / or immediateness of a process, yet they have different meanings. According to the author, their scope is different: AUSSITÔT points to the rapid succession of two eventualities E1 and E2, while the use of SOUDAIN does not necessarily rely on a temporal relationship between E1 and E2. At first sight, the use of AUSSITÔT relies on the existence of a relationship of temporal consecution, which seems to account for its ability to logically connect E1 and E2 as a cause to its effect. This appears impossible in the case of SOUDAIN, which seems to behave in a different way. Nevertheless, the analysis of discourse samples shows that their discourse connective features rely on the meaning of temporal successivity, which can be taken as a very simple form of consecution. Only when the context is favorable can AUSSITÔT work as a logical connective, by explicating the relationship between a cause and its presumed consequence. SOUDAIN explicates a logical relationship between E1 and E2 in cases where E2 can and should be interpreted as a simple consequence of or as a response to E1.
Jacques Moeschler's contribution 'Pragmatic connectives, directional inferences and mental representations' starts from the idea that pragmatic connectives should be dealt with as procedural devices. Temporal and causal inferences are often verbalized by means of such devices as French ET and PARCE QUE which act as connectives. Their meaning is supposed to be instructional, or computational, rather than descriptive or truth-conditional. The main question addressed by the author is: which operations, or inferences, on mental representations of eventualities do such connectives contribute to? The conclusions derived from the analysis of ET as a connective are the following: ET imposes grouping of mental representations (MR), except for MRs of states; temporal order is a characteristic of MRs of events only. PARCE QUE may have in its scope MRs of events, states, and speech acts. These conclusions are combined with the Directional Inferences Model (Moeschler 1998, 1999, 2000a, 2000b), the three main principles of which are the following: A. Contextual information is stronger than linguistic information; B. Procedural information is stronger than conceptual information; C. Propositional procedural information is stronger than morphological procedural information. The conclusion of the analysis is that connectives encode both procedural and conceptual information. The latter type allows discourse interpretation when the conceptual relationship between events is not obvious. A connective is strong if it has its own conceptual meaning. A strong connective has a specific conceptual meaning, while a weak connective shares part of its conceptual meaning with other connectives.
Patrick Caudal and Laurent Roussarie's article 'Semantics and pragmatics of clauses introduced by Fr. SI' deals with the possible interpretation of such clauses in close connection with the semantics of the French conjunction SI combined with the semantics of the structure in which SI is used and that of the contextual factors which are characteristic of the semantics / pragmatics interface. The study is in the framework of the Segmented Discourse Representation Theory (Asher 1993), which allows a formal approach. Sentences of the type 'SI p, q' allow a wide range of discourse relationships between 'SI p' and 'q' which can be of the conditional or hypothetical type, but also of the type represented by 'S'il est vrai que p, q'. The authors find that in such structures, the clause introduced by SI is used to state a highly probable world, providing a very plausible alternative to the co(n)text. The conclusions of the study show that unified semantics of SI should allow a pragmatic interpretation on several distinct levels, depending on the semantics of the syntactic structure SI introduces or is governed by. While the monosemantic interpretation of a grammatical device is maintained, this approach allows a plurisemantic interpretation on the pragmatic level, in which contextual effects are aimed at: "the semantic value stays the same, while the interpretation is different" (Caudal & Roussarie: 65).
'LE FAIT QUE ... and the Subjunctive problem: directionality of grammaticalization' by Alexander Loengarov provides an analysis of the use of moods after LE FAIT QUE introducing a subject clause in French. The speaker chooses between the Indicative and the Subjunctive in order to trigger different interpretations. In French, the opposition between Indicative and Subjunctive in similar syntactic contexts is used to make a distinction between a particular entity (the Indicative has an individualising role) and any other entity belonging to a set (the Subjunctive has a generalizing function). The Indicative allows the speaker to state her certainty about the contents of the clause. The corpus analysis referred to in the article shows that: 1. clauses introduced by LE FAIT QUE + Subjunctive usually state information the speaker and the hearer are already aware of; the Indicative is used when the speaker finds it important to stress upon the truth value of the subordinate clause or upon the objective nature of the process referred to by the verb, that is when the informative value of the subordinate clause is very important; 2. the frequency of the Subjunctive is quite high after 1960, when the subordinate clause has thematic position, while the Indicative is given preference when the clause has rhematic position; 3. speakers tend to avoid the use of the Subjunctive on account of its 'markedness' compared to the Indicative.
Jean Claude Souesme analyses intonation phenomena characteristic of questions comprising a modal verb in English. The analysis follows Antoine Culioli's theory of utterance operations. Utterances taken into discussion comprise one of the following modal verbs: MAY / CAN (first person, for asking permission); WILL (second and third persons, with 'radical value', for making an offer or an invitation, and first person, especially for asking information or inquiring about some possible or probable event); SHALL / SHOULD (first person, for offering help or assistance -- usually to the hearer -- and for inquiring about the chances of existence of some hypothesized action or state); MUST (first person, with its 'radical value', for inquiring about the necessity of an action to be performed by the speaker). Intonation of such questions is different, being determined by the preconceived idea ('le préconstruit') the speaker has of the situation represented in the utterance. The concepts of utterance quantitative delimitation (spatio-temporal context) and qualitative delimitation (the speaker's subjective representation) are used throughout the analysis. The author claims that the level of adequacy between the two is the main factor determining falling or rising intonation of questions introduced by a modal verb in English. The opposition between falling and rising intonation generally conforms to the dichotomy established between (almost) certainty of question validation by the hearer and doubt about question validation on the part of the hearer.
Merete Birkelund's study on 'Negation and Modality' in French focuses on expressions of deontic modality. One objective is to interpret choices made by authors of texts of the type of contracts. The second aim is to identify reasons for which such authors show less preference for DEVOIR than for the French present and simple future tenses, as well as for POUVOIR. According to the author, texts of the contractual type are performative; the main types of speech acts which characterize them are directives and commissives. Therefore, the modal value that can be assigned to them is deontic and centered upon the existence of some eventuality in the future. Some of the important findings for the study of "contractual texts" in French are: 1. the main linguistic devices used to render contractual obligations are DEVOIR (in the affirmative or negative) and POUVOIR (in the negative), and the present and the simple future tenses; 2. these do not yield synonymous meanings and interpretations; 3. the present tense states an obvious general rule; 4. the simple future states a rule to be obeyed to in the contractual world; 5. POUVOIR in the negative blocks a particular action from being performed in the contractual world; 6. POUVOIR in the negative is given preference compared to DEVOIR either in the negative or in the affirmative.
For Patrick Caudal and Carl Vetters, tenses are speech act functions; this explains the possibility of a tense to yield multiple meanings and interpretations at the level of discourse. This idea allows a unified treatment of verbal forms such as the French conditional, future and 'imperfect'. The illocutionary meaning of the 'imperfect' is underspecified and is not associated in itself with an assertive since it does not always imply commitment to the truthfulness of the propositional content. It is undetermined with respect to transitionality, it has a non-actual character and it is used as a background tense. The future is of a 'transparent' nature from the aspectual point of view; it gives no indication on transitionality and shows that an event, seen as a speech act referent, is subsequent to another speech act referent, which is contextually determined. In this light, the French conditional brings together a consecution operator (of both temporal and modal nature) and an internal-neutral aspectual viewpoint operator. The 'imperfect' semantics is associated to it since the idea of non-actuality is revealed in its interpretations either as a morpheme of the past (a 'future in the past') or as a morpheme of fictitious (unreal) modality.
In her article, 'ÊTRE + past participle with a Resultative Meaning in the French Verbal System', Véronique Lagae discusses the two different problematic perspectives usually adopted in research on this structure which can stand either for a passive or for a 'passé composé': 1. the aspectual interpretation; 2. the resultative interpretation, in which ÊTRE is not considered an auxiliary but a copula and the past participle is seen as an adjective (a unified treatment of such structures is provided by Evrard 2002, in which ÊTRE is treated as a copula). Analysis of examples illustrative of various interpretations reveals that the behaviour of the structure under discussion is complex and has to be carefully examined in strict connexion with telicity, (internal) argument structure and by comparison with other structures.
Greta Komur considers the issue of the 'Transfer of verbal aspect to noun in Polish' by focusing on a nominal category made up of deverbals concurrencing <> the Infinitive. They have nominal functions and are marked for case. One of their main features dealt with in the article is that they can be also marked for the imperfective and perfective values transferred on them from the verb they are derived from. The analysis shows that only abstract nouns maintain the opposition perfective / imperfective in a similar way to verbs. Moreover, some verbal forms cannot carry both aspectual values. The author introduces the following distinctions in the category of deverbal nouns, which may have: 1. perfective value and concrete meaning; 2. imperfective value and concrete meaning; 3. perfective or imperfective value and abstract meaning. These aspectual features also have a role in the use of prepositions, which may select differently a perfective, an imperfective or both the perfective and the imperfective values of a verbal noun.
Maria Antoniou examines the behaviour of the French 'passé composé' by unifying all its interpretations under the aoristic representation. In the author's view, its function is not to situate processes in the past, but to seize the process as a whole from the outside, the tense being thus able to refer equally to past, present and future. According to the author, the 'passé composé' is an aspectual marker of achievement ('accompli'), being similar to the 'passé simple', if one takes into account the way in which the process is represented by the speaker.
In 'Resultative Present Perfect: aspectual markers', Bissera Iankova- Gorgatchev deals with utterances where the English Present Perfect tense is used with a resultative value. In intransitive structures in which a state of the sentence subject is referred to, utterance interpretation is mainly determined by the verb meaning, which can also reinforce aspectual information (process achievement), as is the case with telic verbs (GO ON, OPEN UP). In transitive structures with a direct object quantified by A / AN or THE, the situation referred to by the utterance is the result of an achieved process. One of the main findings is that with atelic verbs (e.g. LEAVE) the only aspectual marker is such an article, which yields the resultative interpretation of the sentence.
'Recomposition of the aspectual-temporal system in Serbo-Croatian', by Paul-Louis Thomas, approaches past tenses used in four different translations of the New Testament into Bosnian, Croatian, Montenegrin and Serbian. The comparative study reveals an evolution of the verbal system with a relative decline of the 'imperfect' tense, largely replaced in today's language by the perfect and the present, which can both have an imperfective value. The 'imperfect' seems to have slowly extinguished because of its different forms in various dialects, while speakers coming from different regions and aiming at understanding used common language and gave preference to the less particular forms (koineisation, cf. Trudgill 1986). On the other hand, the variable morphology of the 'imperfect', built for some verbs on an infinitival root and for others on the present root, may be assumed to have had a certain impact on its progressive decline.
Emmanuelle Labeau gives a counterargument to Robison's (1990) and Andersen's (1986, 1991) theories on the primacy of aspect in second language acquisition interlanguage, which state that verbal morphemes of a target language are first used in learners' interlanguage to indicate aspect, no matter of their function and meaning in mother tongue. The author's experiment shows that in the case of the French Indicative the hypothesis is confirmed, the present tense being used instead of the 'imparfait'. But in most cases, as revealed by the experiment, the acquisition of past tenses is determined by the learners' ability to combine verbal aspect and lexical aspect as the latter is rendered by various contextual elements, such as direct and / or indirect object, aspectual lexical adverbials. At the same time, it is not enough to consider that only aspect acquisition is of use in learning past tenses in French. In the author's view, larger corpora and various levels of acquisition should be studied in order to give a sounder explanation of the issue.
Dany Amiot, Walter de Mulder and Nelly Flaux are concerned with the particular behaviour of the structure of the type NOUS SOMMES DIMANCHE. The French first person plural pronoun NOUS is allowed while no other definite pronoun can be used in the same way. One explanation could be the semantics of NOUS, since its reference is in this case quite similar to that of the indefinite pronoun ON, which also allowed in the structure. The verb cannot be used in the 'passé simple', 'passé antérieur', 'futur antérieur', 'passé récent', 'futur périphrastique', 'présent progressif', the Imperative, the only possible verbal forms being those which provide the "inner" representation of the situation. The only possible answer is the correct interpretation, on the basis of syntactic and semantic observations, of the variable 'week day', since DIMANCHE can be replaced by any other noun naming one of the weekdays. The variable does not behave here as a predicative element, its meaning being more easily associated with 'situation in time', as if the variable were the expression of a place (in time).
DISCUSSION
This books presents valuable insights into the pragmatics, semantics and syntax of a variety of linguistic forms. The volume focuses on verbal forms and verbal determination, including issues on aspect, modality and tense. Accounting for these is one of the main goals of discourse theories. The studies represented in this collection of papers provide an excellent idea of the variety of approaches and research questions at issue in tense and aspect linguistics nowadays. Its merit is emphasized by the attention paid to several languages the analyses are concerned with. This issue of "Cahiers Chronos", like the previous ones, is of interest to anyone preoccupied with problems of aspect, mood, tense and 'attitude'; attitude is seen as speaker commitment to the propositional content of the utterance. The various articles may present unequal interest for one and the same researcher, yet the issue is extremely valuable for scholars who study tense and aspect, modality, discourse in general. It is also thought provoking by connecting all these concepts under the headings of 'temporality' and 'attitude' since verbal forms usually known as 'tenses' have multiple interpretations at discourse level. Of course one of its main purposes is to present work in progress, hypotheses and partial conclusions, this is why the issues dealt with still need refining and discussion. The rich bibliography that is provided under the references following each article is not to be neglected both by linguists in general and by discourse analysts in particular.
One critical remark: I personally would have expected at least eleven articles or at least those specially concerned with issues of aspect, mood, tense or -- more generally -- one single article, to have taken into consideration a Guillaumian perspective, illustrated if not by an explanatory excerpt or a bibliographical reference, then by a critical discussion and questioning. Which unfortunately means that one of the greatest linguists and language philosophers still remains to be discovered in spite of the (almost?) 20 volumes published so far, consisting mainly of the conferences he used to give. I will not cite myself any volume since they may be of unequal quality, but a bibliography of Guillaume's work of interest on tense and modality can be found at http://www.fl.ulaval.ca/fgg/publications/index.htm.
REFERENCES
Andersen, R. (1986). El desarollo de la morfología verbal en el español como segundo idioma, in J. Meisel (ed.), Acquisição da linguagem. Frankfurt: Klaus-Dieter Vervuert Verlag.
Andersen, R. (1991). Models, processes, principles and strategies: second language acquisition inside and outside the classroom, in B. van Patten & J. Lee (eds.), Second Language Acquisition Language Learning. Bristol: Multilingual Matters.
Asher, N. (1993). Reference to Abstract Objects in Discourse. Dordrecht: Kluwer.
Borillo, A. (1998). Les adverbes de référence temporelle comme connecteurs temporels de discours, in S. Vogeleer et al., Temps et discours: 131-145. Louvain-La-Neuve: Peeters.
Borillo, A. (2002). Les connecteurs temporels et la structuration du discours, in H. L. Andersen et al., Macro-syntaxe et macro- sémantique: 239-256. Berne: Peter Lang.
Évrard, I. (2002). Le temps, c'est de l'agent! ÊTRE + participe passé: structure prédicative et référence aspecto-temporelle, Revue de linguistique romane 66: 245-260.
Moeschler, J. (1998). Les relations entre événements et l'interprétation des énoncés, in J. Moeschler et al., Le temps des événements: Pragmatique de la référence temporelle: 293-321. Paris: Kimé.
Moeschler, J. (1999). Linguistique et pragmatique cognitive, Le Gré des Langues 15: 10-33.
Moeschler, J. (2000a). L'ordre temporel dans le discours: le modèle des inférences directionnelles, Cahiers Chronos 6: 1-11.
Moeschler, J. (2000b). Le modèle des inférences directionnelles, Cahiers de Linguistique Française 22: 57-100.
Robison, R. E. (1990). The primacy of aspect: Aspectual marking in English interlanguage, Studies in Second Language Acquisition 12: 315-330.
Trudgill, P. (1986). Dialects in contact. Oxford: Blackwell.
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