Book announced at https://linguistlist.org/issues/31-3126

Title: Phonetic Causes of Sound Change
Subtitle: The Palatalization and Assibilation of Obstruents
Series Title: Oxford Studies in Diachronic and Historical Linguistics
Publication Year: 2020

Publisher: Oxford University Press
http://www.oup.com/us
Book URL: https://global.oup.com/academic/product/phonetic-causes-of-sound-change-9780198845010?utm_source=linguistlist&utm_medium=listserv&utm_campaign=linguistics

Author(s): Daniel Recasens

Reviewer: Pham Thi Anh Dao

SUMMARY

This book is a monograph in the “Oxford Studies in Diachronic and Historical Linguistics” series, which publishes research on language change, covering areas such as grammar, phonology, semantics, and historical linguistics. Providing a forum for both diachronic and historical linguists, the series seeks to advance linguistic theory by integrating current models, addressing broad theoretical questions, and fostering interdisciplinary connections, while being inclusive of diverse languages, frameworks, and methodologies.

The monograph explores the phonetic factors that drive sound change, specifically focusing on the palatalization and assibilation of velar stops (referred to as velar softening) and the softening of labial stops and labiodental fricatives (labial softening). The study encompasses a range of languages, including Romance dialects, Slavic languages, Greek, Albanian, Romanian, and Bantu languages, providing fresh perspectives on diachronic linguistic processes. It investigates the ways in which articulatory and acoustic factors influence sound changes, particularly how variations in vocal tract configurations play a role in phonetic shifts. For instance, the fronting of velar sounds leads to the development of affricates such as [tʃ] or [ts]. The research emphasizes the impact of changes in articulation and airflow on consonantal acoustics, with potential consequences for sound misidentification.

Additionally, the monograph examines the intermediate stages of sound change, such as the palatalization of velars in Early Romance languages, which manifests in regional variations, including [tʃ] in Eastern Romance and [ts] in Western Romance. The study critiques the existing models of sound change, arguing that velar softening is a gradual process primarily driven by articulatory factors, rather than by perceptual similarities. It challenges the acoustic-equivalence hypothesis, proposing instead that articulatory processes are central to sound change. Furthermore, the book addresses the phonologization of allophones, exploring how specific sounds, particularly those undergoing palatalization, acquire phonemic status, such as the shift from [c] to [tʃ] in various Romance dialects. It underscores the importance of contextual and articulatory factors in these transformations, offering an analysis of how affrication leads to phonemicization, while questioning the reliance on markedness theory.

The book is structured into six chapters, in which Chapters 1 and 6 are the introduction and conclusion, respectively. Whereas Chapters 2, 3, and 4 present various arguments in favor of an articulation-based explanation for velar softening, Chapter 5 highlights labial softening. In further detail, Chapter 2 defines velar softening as a sound change where a velar stop consonant (e.g., /k/) shifts to a palatalized affricate or fricative, such as [tʃ], [tɕ], [tç], or [ts], typically before front vowels or palatal glides. For example, Latin CENTU [ˈkεntʊ] becomes [ˈtʃεnto] in Tuscan Italian and [tsen] in Old Catalan. The change progresses through an intermediate (alveolo)palatal stop like [c], which can evolve into various affricates or fricatives, depending on regional variation. Velar softening often involves two processes: palatalization (where /k/ becomes [c]) and assibilation (where [c] becomes an affricate like [tʃ]). In some cases, a fricative can emerge directly from the stop without passing through an affricate stage, as seen in some dialects. Voiced stops and affricates may also be produced with less tongue contact and lower pressure, contributing to fricative outcomes, like the shift from [dʒ] to [ʒ] in Catalan. The process is typically described as velar softening, though this term is somewhat misleading since affricates are not necessarily “softer” than stops. Nonetheless, it effectively captures the combined processes of velar palatalization and assibilation.

Chapter 3 explores velar palatalization, i.e., how fronting the closure location of /k/ before front vowels and other contextual conditions causes velar stops to shift to more anterior articulations, such as palatal, alveolopalatal, or even alveolar. It discusses the acoustico-perceptual consequences of this fronting, particularly the variation in closure location for the resulting (alveolo)palatal sounds. Section 3.1 examines the presence of [c] in dialects, whether phonemic or allophonic, and challenges the idea that velar softening is triggered solely by acoustic equivalence with front lingual affricates. Section 3.2 highlights the variability of [c]’s articulation, which can differ within dialects and be perceived ambiguously as /t/ or /k/, suggesting velar softening is not a sudden replacement. Section 3.4 posits that velar palatalization may arise from articulatory strengthening, influenced by factors like word position, stress, and the surrounding segments.

Chapter 4 examines velar assibilation, focusing on how (alveolo)palatal stops from velar palatalization can develop into affricates like [tʃ], [ts], [tɕ], and [tç], with variation in place of articulation. Over time, these affricates may undergo deaffrication, transforming into fricatives such as [ʃ] and [s, θ]. Sections 4.1 and 4.2 provide data showing how affricates can naturally emerge from (alveolo)palatal stops, while Sections 4.3 and 4.4 explore how [c] typically shifts to affricates like [tʃ] or [ts], especially in Romance languages. Section 4.5 discusses the acoustic characteristics that make the [c] burst resemble the frication of a front lingual affricate, and how contextual factors promote this shift. Section 4.6 investigates whether palatalized /t/ can also become an affricate or fricative in dialects with velar softening. Finally, Section 4.7 shows that the type of affricate produced may vary based on the dialect’s base articulation.

Chapter 5 explores the articulatory motivations behind labial softening, identifying two glide-strengthening strategies: occlusivization and fricativization. The implementation of these strategies depends on the degree of glide constriction and the aerodynamic demands of labial or labiodental consonants. Dialects may adopt different strategies, leading to varying degrees of fronting in the affricate or fricative outcomes, similar to velar softening. The chapter raises the question of whether labial softening results from the simplification of complex clusters or from simple palatal stop or fricative transformations. It also discusses how languages, particularly Bantu, convert palatalized labials into affricates or fricatives, with different pathways for glide hardening or fricativization. The chapter suggests that labial softening follows various dialect-specific processes, with further research needed to clarify these intermediate stages and their motivations.

EVALUATION

Recasens’s volume has several advantages. First, the monograph holds considerable value as a key reference for both historical and diachronic linguists since it addresses a significant gap in the existing literature on sound change, particularly in the processes of palatalization and assibilation, by exploring the phonetic motivations behind these changes in velar and labial obstruents, as well as the immediate stages involved. Second, the study draws on a variety of sources, i.e., historical, dialectal, phonetic, and phonological, ensuring a comprehensive approach. The data are not only descriptive but also grounded in experimental research, with a focus on the articulatory and acoustic causes of sound changes and the reconstruction of their diachronic pathways. Notably, dialectal data are often presented in phonetic transcriptions, such as those found in monographs on Bantu languages and linguistic atlases of Romanian dialects, particularly concerning the labial softening process. The study also incorporates articulatory and acoustic data from consonant production studies and perceptual results derived from phoneme identification tests.

The third advantage of this volume lies in its wide applicability, with the claims made universally relevant due to the extensive and diverse data sources. These sources encompass a large variety of languages and dialects, not only from Europe but also from other continents, in which the palatalization and assibilation of velars and labials have played or continue to play a significant role. With respect to velars, the data include dialects of Romance languages spoken primarily in France, Italy, and Switzerland, as well as non-Romance languages such as Slavic languages, Greek, and Albanian. For labials, particular attention is given to Romanian and Greek dialects and to Bantu languages, where the palatalization and assibilation processes have been especially productive.

Fourth, the study draws on recent experimental production and acoustic research conducted by the author, as well as articulatory and acoustic data available in the phonetic literature. Some of the experimental data on velar palatalization and assibilation presented in the monograph represent a significant innovation, as they have been collected using more advanced recording and analytical techniques than those available in the first half of the twentieth century. Specifically, the spatio-temporal properties of linguistic sounds can now be examined with greater precision through contemporary speech-production methods such as electropalatography and ultrasound. Additionally, the relative significance of acoustic cues in the implementation of sound change can be assessed efficiently using perceptual identification tests with both natural and synthetic speech stimuli. A comprehensive analysis of this phonetic data enables a more nuanced understanding of key diachronic developments than earlier studies, and encourages contemporary scholars to reevaluate certain past claims regarding the phonetic causes of specific sound changes. Furthermore, the combined analysis of dialectal and experimental data offers valuable insights into whether the change from one consonant to another follows a single evolutionary trajectory or may occur through multiple developmental paths.

The monograph contains a few limitations beside several strengths. The primary limitation lies in its use of a dialectological approach, albeit the study’s focus on linguistic change. This approach primarily addresses user-related variation, which pertains to geographical factors such as dialectal differences, but it overlooks use-related variation, which concerns communication contexts and levels of formality. Furthermore, the study does not consider intra-speaker variation. Linguistic variation can be classified in various ways, often incorporating sociolinguistic factors. Such variation arises not only from individual characteristics but also from broader sociocultural influences (Major, 2001). Linguistic variation includes both user-related and use-related variation, as well as intra-speaker and inter-speaker variation (Balogné Bérces, 2019). In short, the author does not take into account the role of sociolinguistic factors, which may be crucial in explaining the motivations behind sound change.

Another limitation of the study concerns its research methodology, specifically the failure to specify the number of participants who provided the speech data used to obtain phonetic and phonological insights. This lack of clarity about the sample population compromises the transparency of the research, thereby diminishing both its validity and generalizability for future studies within the same linguistic domain. In sum, owing to these two limitations, the monograph functions merely as a reference point for historical and diachronic linguists regarding the phonetic motivations driving sound changes in velar and labial obstruents, along with the immediate stages involved, rather than contributing to the generalizability of subsequent research.

REFERENCES

Balogné Bérces, K. 2019. Fonológiai variáció és generatív nyelvelmélet [Phonological variation and generative linguistics]. Általános Nyelvészeti Tanulmányok XXXI, 29–56.

Major, R.C. (2001). Foreign Accent: The Ontogeny and Phylogeny of Second Language Phonology. New York and London: Psychology Press.

ABOUT THE REVIEWER

Dao Thi Anh Pham is a PhD student in Linguistics at Pázmány Péter Catholic University in Hungary. Her research interests cover Phonetics, Phonology, Language Pedagogy, Sociolinguistics, and Second Language Acquisition. She holds a Master’s degree in Teaching English to Speakers of Other Languages (TESOL). Her research explores how language is learned and used, with an emphasis on phonological and sociolinguistic factors in language acquisition and teaching.